South Africa has in recent years seen employees embarking on strike actions from different employment sectors. This impacts adversely on inter alia the economy, investor confidence and the high rate of unemployment. As will be pointed out in the research, BMW took a decision in 2013 to stop production into South Africa as a result of the labour unrest that caused them to lose 13000 cars in production and to miss supply targets. The strike in the construction industry in August to September 2012, cost employers an estimated R2.7 billion in lost revenue. The research is aimed at establishing the cause of the unrest that is affecting South Africa. The strike action should be the ultimate weapon when negotiations between the employer and employees have failed. Parties to the employment relationship are encouraged through the LRA and the Constitution to engage in collective bargaining. Mechanisms such as organisational rights, bargaining forums, freedom of association, no duty to bargain are aimed at achieving orderly collective bargaining. Despite the current labour laws in place, which in my view are not onerous, negotiations still fail. Could it be that the trade unions are desperate to gain and maintain popularity and as a consequence present the employer with unreasonable demands? Could it be that collective bargaining process needs to be revisited? Educating trade union leaders should be considered as one of the factors in arriving at a solution. Some employers are considering alternatives rather than increasing their labour force. With the high unemployment rate, this is a worrying reality and a solution is urgently required. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lk2014 / Mercantile Law / LLM / Unrestricted

Over the last three decades, Oman has emerged as a center of political and economic stability in the Arab world, a stability which is an essential ingredient for any country to develop and flourish. Whereas democracy and public freedoms are at the core of stability in other parts of the world, the case in Oman is different. It is not a democratic state and it did not adopt the modern concepts of human rights and public freedoms into its legal-political system until 1996 when the Basic Statute of the State was promulgated. The purpose of this study is to provide a general view of the current status of Human Rights under the Omani Basic Statute of the State with a specific focus on some civil and political rights. It illustrates the situation of human rights by assessing the implementation of the constitutional and legal safeguards into practice and finding out what hinders them. It aims to evaluate the importance of the constitution in Oman, and the extent to which it has succeeded in incorporating international human rights’ standards while walking the tightrope of reconciling this with core traditional social customs and Islamic values. It analyses the compatibility of constitutional and national laws and practice with international human rights standards and assesses current trends and policies. Three case studies for different rights and freedoms are conducted to explore the guarantees and weaknesses of different rights in practice. These are the areas of nationality 'as individual right' which is very important under the Oman system as it is the direct link to enjoyment of other rights and freedoms. The Shura is the second case study as a political right or a collective right which represents public participation in Oman. Finally, the Freedom of Association, as an example for the freedom of expression and opinion, which represents individual and group rights together. This research evaluation analyses in detail the developments since the promulgation of the Basic Statute in December 1996 but stretches to encompass developments till the developments to the end of July 2011.

MASTER'S THESIS Evolution of the protection of the freedom of assembly and association under the ECHR and the ICCPR in the Russian Federation. Author: Daria Solomina Supervisor: JUDr. Milan Lipovský, Ph.D. Study programme: MAIN Academic Year: 2020/2021 Abstract The rights of assembly and association are vital elements of the international system of human rights. The democratic society needs to protect those freedoms to let the population a chance to express important ideas, concerns, raise political and social issues and make sure the government knows what is important to pay attention to. The international legal system (in particular created by the ECHR and the ICCPR), has come up with fundamental basis for the realization of the rights of assembly and association. However, the main responsibility of the implementation of those rules and norms lays on the states and their domestic legal systems. This thesis researches the structure of the legal protection of the freedoms of assembly and association in the Russian Federation, discovers the significant discordances between it and the provisions of the ECHR and the ICCPR, and attempts to give the political reasoning that is behind those differences. Analyzing the case-law, historical developments of the political life of the Russian Federation and the...

In 1987, the Supreme Court of Canada rejected arguments that the freedom of association in section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (hereafter, the Charter) protected a positive right to bargain collectively over working conditions. Between 1987 and 2007, the Supreme Court's jurisprudence on freedom of association was marked by certain tensions. In particular, the Court rejected arguments that freedom of association could have a collective dimension. In addition, the Court adopted a so-called negative approach to freedom of association, stating that section 2(d) of the Charter could not be used to create obligations for the state. The idea that freedom of association conferred negative (as opposed to positive) individual protection against state interference is typical of a liberal view of rights and freedoms. However, in 2007, in Health Services, the Supreme Court relied on underlying Charter values (specifically autonomy, liberty, equality, democracy and dignity) to extend constitutional protection to the right to collective bargaining. In 2015, this constitutional protection was extended to the right to strike. The use of moral values in constitutional adjudication is widespread. In Canada, Charter values are used both to interpret Charter provisions and to weigh competing rights, notably in the proportionality exercise under section 1 of the Charter. Using moral reconstruction as a methodological approach, this thesis examines the use of the values identified in Health Services throughout the Supreme Court's body of case law. From these values, the thesis develops a so-called republican reconstruction of freedom of association. While liberalism emphasises the freedom of the individual from the state, republicanism aims to ensure non-domination in both the private and public spheres. Equality, when considered from a republican perspective, becomes relational equality. Republicanism is particularly relevant to labour law, which is based on a relationship of subordination identified by republican theorists as a relationship of domination. The final chapter of the thesis explores alternative models for protecting republican freedom in the workplace.

LL.M. (Labour Law) / A university is a community of adults in which close personal relationships between adults can develop. These institutions of higher learning recognise the need for policies prohibiting sexual harassment but few have addressed the subtle issues surrounding consensual and special amorous relationships between academic staff members and students and whether they have the right to regulate private behaviour between adults. The aim of this minor dissertation is to explore the issue of the university having a responsibility to ensure that it maintains an environment for study free from sexual harassment. The question lies in whether the university policies should prohibit not only sexual harassment but also consensual sexual engagement and special relationships between academic staff and students, taking into account the development of the legal theory of sexual harassment as a violation of the fundamental rights of workers and the emergence of employment law both in the United States of America (USA) and South Africa. The issues herein will be the debate against stricter prohibitions on relationships with the argument of engaging the rights of students to enter into relationships that are not prohibited by law, the question of freedom of association and privacy and the enforcement and implementation of such policies. It will become clear that the law of employment discrimination stands in sharp contrast to the understanding of academic freedom and these parameters may well be lost in translation when entering the academic world. This then raises the argument about whether any consent was real and voluntarily bestowed, with factors such as power, undue influence, fear and favour playing major roles.

Asociacijos laisvės principas pripažįstamas ne tik daugumos valstybių nacionalinės teisės, bet ir priskiriamas prie pagrindinių žmogaus teisių ir laisvių, kurios garantuojamos valstybių įsipareigojimais. Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijos 35 straipsnyje, laiduojama teisė piliečiams laisvai vienytis į bendrijas. 2009 metais įsigaliojusi Kredito unijų įstatymo redakcija įtvirtino teisinio reguliavimo principą, pagal kurį kredito unijų veikla galima tik toje savivaldybėje, kurioje kredito unija turi registruotą buveinę, bei su ja besiribojančių savivaldybių teritorijoje. Analizuojant Kredito unijos įstatymą ir Konstitucijoje nustatytas normas susiduriama su dilema – ar įstatyme įtvirtintas ribojimas gali būti taikomas. Ar valstybė užtikrina laisvą asmenų jungimasi į asociacijas. Atsižvelgiant į sparčią kreditų unijų plėtrą ir siekiant teigiamos veiklos teikiami įstatymų projektai, kurie neigiamai vertina įsigaliojusį ribojimą. Taip pat darbe aptariama kokiais principais remiamasi sprendžiant nacionalinės bei tarptautinės teisės normų taikymo susikirtimą. Kaip sprendžiamas klausimas dėl asociacijos laisvės principo užtiktinimo nacionalinėje teisėje. Magistrinio darbo tikslas ir uždaviniai yra išanalizuoti teritorinio ribojimo svarbą valstybėje ir kokį poveikį pasikeitęs reglamentavimas atlieka kredito unijoms. Apibendrinus asociacijos laisvės principo turinį įvertinti principo taikymą sąveikaujant nacionalinės bei tarptautinės teisės normoms. Ar asociacijų laisvės principo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The principle of freedom of association is recognized not only just for the majority of national legal systems, but it is also attributed to the fundamental human rights and freedoms as guaranteed by states. In the article 35 of the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, states the right of citizens freely to unite to ensure communities. In 2009, the credit unions Act entered into force which laid the legal version of the regulatory principle that credit unions can be only in the municipality in which the Credit Union has its registered office, and with the municipalities which territory is bordering. When we are analysing Credit Unions Act and Constitution established norms together there we face with a dilemma – whether entrenched norm for restriction may be applied. In this case do state ensures freedom of association mergers? The main problem of the credit unions are establishment of new more complicated procedures to found a credit union. For example establishing more restrictive common bond criteria. In general credit unions may unite members upon the following criteria: professional, geographical, work in one company or membership in one organization. Before 2009 credit unions had an ability to chose 2 of these 4 criteria. Now there are not such a possibility. There we have a clash between established restrictive common bonds for credit unions and fundamental principle - the principle of freedom of association In international law the right of everyone to join a... [to full text]

Through globalization non-state actors including transnational corporations (TNC), have taken on a more important global governance role from the nation state, where they through their CSR initiatives, impact social issues surrounding development. There are however conflicting views whether CSR could contribute to development in the society. TNCs CSR engagement mainly concerns social issues at the workplace such as complying with labour rights. But workers right to organize and bargain collectively (FoA), which is a universally adopted labour right, is not emphasized on despite being vital for a democratic and sound labour market that ensures decent working and living conditions and even facilitates poverty reduction and development. Respecting FoA is particularly important in the context of a low-skilled and labor-intensive workforce with a low rule law and bad working conditions, which is often the case in developing countries where many of the apparel and telecom sector produces. Based on the importance of FoA and the critical views whether TNCs CSR initiatives really can improve FoA and thus development, this thesis will explore whether and how three TNCs, that produces in the above described context, address FoA by analyzing their strict policy and practical measures taken. Through using and applying theory and empirics of CSR and FoA, this thesis is conducted as a comparative case study of H&M, IKEA and Ericsson through a qualitative text analysis. The result shows that two out of three TNCs do not emphasize on addressing FoA since they disregard it as well as do not enforce practical measures directed toward FoA, but takes a more overall human rights approach. Whereas H&M highly address FoA by enforcing many projects that physically involves thousands of workers and enables them to organize and bargain collectively, which facilitates improved working and living conditions. The conclusion is that when TNCs, through their CSR initiatives, takes on a global governance role, they should address FoA by enforcing practical measures that physically involves and enable workers to organize and bargain collectively, since this can facilitate poverty reduction and development.

A presente tese visa demonstrar que, à luz da experiência vivida pela Itália pela Espanha, a concertação social pode ser um instrumento bastante útil para o enfrentamento de diversos temas de política social e econômica. Todavia o pleno reconhecimento da liberdade sindical é imprescindível para que a concertação social seja realizada de maneira legítima, pois somente mediante a existência de interlocutores verdadeiramente representativos, governo e atores sociais consiguirão manter entendimentos socialmente vinculantes e que sejam capazes de espelhar a realidade social. O Brasil não reconhece plenamente a liberdade sindical e por tal motivo, as tentativas de concertação social realizadas a partir da segunda metade da década de 1980 não contaram com o efetivo envolvimento das partes sociais. Mesmo assim, o país progrediu desde então, e atualmente gera grande interesse por parte da comunidade internacional. Não obstante, para que o Brasil aprofunde o processo da integração regional, bem como conquiste uma posição de efetivo destaque e influência no contexto internacional, é fundamental o reconhecimento pleno da liberdade sindical, o que permitirá finalizar a transição democrática, bem como a celebração de pactos sociais legítimos, sempre que eles se demonstrarem necessários. / The present thesis intends to evidence that, in light of the experience lived by Italy and Spain, social concertation can be a very useful instrument in order to face many issues with regard to social and economic policy. Notwithstanding, the complete acknowledgement of freedom of association is necessary in order to social concertation be made trough legitimate means, because only upon the existence of truly representative interlocutors, government and social partners will keep socially binding understandings, capable of reflecting the social reality. Brazil does not fully acknowledge freedom of association and, as a consequence, the social partners were not concretely involved with the attempts of social concertation that took place as from the late 1980s. Even though, the country has developed since then, and currently it generates a great interest within the international community. Notwithstanding, if Brazil wishes to deepen the regional integration process, as well as to conquer a key role within the international context, it is crucial to fully acknowledge freedom of association, what will allow the country to conclude the democratic transition, as well as to execute legitimate social pacts, whenever they become necessary.

Submitted by PPG Direito (ppgdir@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-01T11:59:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ELIZABET_LEAL_DA_ SILVA_TES.pdf: 1549047 bytes, checksum: 80b8474bd454e957e5de5784576a7091 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sheila Dias (sheila.dias@pucrs.br) on 2018-10-01T13:44:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 ELIZABET_LEAL_DA_ SILVA_TES.pdf: 1549047 bytes, checksum: 80b8474bd454e957e5de5784576a7091 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-01T14:17:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ELIZABET_LEAL_DA_ SILVA_TES.pdf: 1549047 bytes, checksum: 80b8474bd454e957e5de5784576a7091 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-26 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The purpose of this thesis is to study freedom of union based on the foundations of the International Labor Organization (ILO), through Convention n? 87 and its effects in Brazil, where it has not been ratified and in Spain, which internalized it. From the analysis of freedom of union, we can see the study of the union systems in both countries studied: Brazil and Spain. The characteristics of each of the systems are addressed, since in Brazil, union unity remains in force, which is in conflict with the principle of freedom of association defended by the ILO. The analysis proceeds on the system in force in Spain: union plurality. In this way, full freedom of association is allowed by allowing workers to create as many trade unions as they seem necessary, but they can unite of their own volition and form a true union unity. On the basis of these elements, the institute of collective bargaining is analyzed, which is one of the greatest attitudes of freedom existing in labor relations, because it enables, through dialogue, to the interested parties, the establishment of norms for the satisfaction of their desires, and that the rights of workers and entrepreneurs are respected. In the aspect of collective bargaining, the role of trade unions is discussed as to their function of protecting the interests of workers, which even in collective bargaining are the hyposufficient part. It is also questioned the trade union action in the negotiations, especially in times of crisis, regarding the performance against situations that aim to prevent workers from losing their rights conquered throughout history. This paper then gives a brief analysis of the influences of the economic crisis experienced both by Brazil and Spain in the period from 2010 to 2017. As conclusion, an analysis is presented indicating the difference between the systems - unicity and plurality - in the field of collective bargaining, emphasizing whether or not they present a difference in relation to union action in the search for protection of the labor relation. For the development of this thesis, the method of deductive approach will be adopted. As an investigative procedure, historical and comparative methods should be used, based on bibliographic and documentary theoretical research. / La presente tesis tiene como objetivo estudiar la libertad sindical a partir de los fundamentos de la Organizaci?n Internacional del Trabajo - OIT, por medio de la Convenci?n n? 87 y de sus efectos en Brasil, donde no fue ratificada y, en Espa?a, que la internaliz?. A partir del an?lisis de la libertad sindical, se evidencia el estudio sobre los sistemas sindicales existentes en los dos pa?ses objetos de estudio: Brasil y Espa?a. Se abordan las caracter?sticas de cada uno de los sistemas, ya que en Brasil figura y permanece en vigor la unicidad sindical, la cual se enfrenta al principio de la libertad sindical defendido por la OIT. El an?lisis prosigue sobre el sistema vigente en Espa?a: la pluralidad sindical. En ese marco, se permite el ejercicio pleno de la libertad sindical al consentir a los trabajadores a crear sindicatos tantos que los consideren necesarios, pudiendo, sin embargo, unirse por voluntad propia y formar una verdadera unidad sindical. A partir de esos elementos, se analiza el instituto de la negociaci?n colectiva, que es una de las mayores actitudes de libertad existentes en las relaciones de trabajo, por posibilitar por medio del di?logo, a los interesados, el establecimiento de normas de satisfacci?n de sus anhelos, y de que se respeten los derechos de los trabajadores y los empresarios. En el aspecto de la negociaci?n colectiva, se discute el papel de los sindicatos en cuanto a su funci?n de protecci?n de los intereses de los trabajadores, que incluso, en la negociaci?n colectiva, son la parte hiposuficiente. Se cuestiona tambi?n la actuaci?n sindical en las negociaciones, especialmente, en momentos de crisis, en cuanto al desempe?o frente a situaciones que visan evitar que los trabajadores pierdan sus derechos conquistados a lo largo de la historia. A continuaci?n, el presente trabajo hace un breve an?lisis de las influencias de la crisis econ?mica vivenciada tanto por Brasil como por Espa?a, en el per?odo de 2010 a 2017. Como conclusi?n, se presenta un an?lisis indicativo de la diferencia entre los sistemas - unicidad y pluralidad - el campo de la negociaci?n colectiva, resaltando si presentan o no diferencia en relaci?n a la actuaci?n sindical en la b?squeda de protecci?n de la relaci?n de trabajo. Para el desarrollo de esta tesis, se adoptara el m?todo de enfoque deductivo. Como procedimiento investigativo se echaron mano de los m?todos hist?rico y comparativo, teniendo como base la investigaci?n te?rica bibliogr?fica y documental. / A presente tese tem como objetivo estudar a liberdade sindical a partir dos fundamentos da Organiza??o Internacional do Trabalho ? OIT, por meio da Conven??o n? 87 e de seus efeitos no Brasil, onde ela n?o foi ratificada e, na Espanha, que a internalizou. A partir da an?lise da liberdade sindical, evidencia-se o estudo sobre os sistemas sindicais existentes nos dois pa?ses objetos de estudo: Brasil e Espanha. S?o abordadas as caracter?sticas de cada um dos sistemas, uma vez que no Brasil figura e permanece em vigor a unicidade sindical, a qual se confronta com o princ?pio da liberdade sindical defendido pela OIT. A an?lise prossegue a respeito do sistema vigente na Espanha: a pluralidade sindical. Nesse molde, permite-se o exerc?cio pleno da liberdade sindical ao consentir aos trabalhadores e criarem sindicatos tantos quantos entenderem necess?rios, podendo, por?m, unir-se por vontade pr?pria e formar uma verdadeira unidade sindical. A partir desses elementos, analisase o instituto da negocia??o coletiva, que ? uma das maiores atitudes de liberdade existentes nas rela??es de trabalho, por possibilitar por meio do di?logo, dos interessados, o estabelecimento de normas de satisfa??o de seus anseios, e de que sejam respeitados os direitos de trabalhadores e empres?rios. No aspecto da negocia??o coletiva, discute-se o papel dos sindicatos quanto a sua fun??o de prote??o dos interesses dos trabalhadores, que mesmo, na negocia??o coletiva, s?o a parte hipossuficiente. Questiona-se ainda a atua??o sindical nas negocia??es, especialmente, em momentos de crise, quanto ao desempenho frente a situa??es as quais visem evitar que os trabalhadores percam seus direitos conquistados ao longo da hist?ria. Em seguida, o presente trabalho faz uma breve an?lise das influ?ncias da crise econ?mica vivenciada tanto pelo Brasil como pela Espanha, no per?odo de 2010 a 2017. Como conclus?o, apresenta-se uma an?lise indicativa da diferen?a entre os sistemas - unicidade e pluralidade ? no campo da negocia??o coletiva, ressaltando se apresentam ou n?o diferen?a em rela??o ? atua??o sindical na busca de prote??o da rela??o de trabalho. Para o desenvolvimento desta tese, ser? adotado o m?todo de abordagem dedutivo. Como procedimento investigativo lan?ar-se m?o dos m?todos hist?rico e comparativo, tendo como base a pesquisa te?rica bibliogr?fica e documental.

Should a liberal state meet claims for accommodation of cultural difference with a liberal multicultural approach that grants cultural rights to minorities? The present thesis tries to answer this question by investigating if a liberal state may adopt a multicultural approach and still remain liberal. The purpose of the thesis, more specifically, is to study whether the accommodation of multiculturalism through cultural rights can be based on liberal values or not. The inquiry focuses on three influential liberal multicultural approaches which claim that cultural rights are congruent with equality, toleration and autonomy respectively. The coherence of these models is, however, questioned in the thesis. These models may neither be claimed to promote liberal values in a coherent and unambiguous way, nor be described as the adequate response to the type of burden of assimilation that members of minority cultures experience in liberal states. The main conclusion of the study is that liberal multiculturalism does not follow consistently from liberal premises and that the possibility of a normative conjunction between multiculturalism and liberalism therefore should be characterized as an open question in political theory. From liberal premises, a liberal neutralist model of integration based on anti-discrimination and equality of opportunity, in fact, still seems to be the most promising basis for a multicultural policy. It is argued in the thesis that this model can be developed if combined with a liberal scheme for deliberation on multicultural issues based on the principle of equality of opportunity.