In this article the author develops a jurisprudential analysis of the right to negative freedom of association, as an essential part of the right to freedom of association, and how certain agreements, concluded within the framework of collective bargaining, contain provisions that go against the principle non-discrimination. Such agreements are declared null and void, and sometimes are admitted and incorporated into the constitutionality and legality. Based on typical cases will be discussed in which situations the agreements concluded by unions violate the right to negative freedom of association of the unaffiliated and become a discriminatory act and an unjustified pressure to join a union. / En el presente artículo se desarrolla un análisis jurisprudencial del derecho a la libertad sindical negativa, como parte esencial del derecho a la libertad sindical, y cómo ciertos acuerdos, concluidos en el marco de la negociación colectiva, contienen disposiciones que van en contra del principio de no discriminación. Dichos acuerdos son declarados nulos y sin efectos, y en otras ocasiones son admitidas e incardinados dentro de la constitucionalidad y legalidad. Sobre la base de casos paradigmáticos se expondrá en qué situaciones los acuerdos celebrados por los sindicatos atentan contra el derecho de libertad sindical negativa de los no afiliados y devienen en un acto discriminatorio y una presión injustificada a afiliarse a un sindicato.

The author analyzes the current status of freedom of association in Latin America, specifically collective bargaining and the different schemes this institution presents itself after the neoliberal policies of economic deregulation took place in the decade of nineteen ninety. / El autor analiza la situación de la libertad sindical en América Latin, específicamente la negociación colectiva y los distintos modelos en los que esta se presenta luego de las políticas neoliberales de desregulación económica de la década de mil novecientos noventa.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-21T08:58:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Eduardo Príncipe.pdf: 1527473 bytes, checksum: a3dfcd515ebbb928f2cdc433a3c85a12 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-21T08:58:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Eduardo Príncipe.pdf: 1527473 bytes, checksum: a3dfcd515ebbb928f2cdc433a3c85a12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-24 / The present thesis aims to demonstrate that the Brazilian trade union system based on the single trade union principle is "frozen" in time and inconsistent with the plural trade union model which is recommended by democratic systems, and which has made full freedom of association real as a mainstay of the working class’s expression. Thus, through a bibliographical research, a historical retrospective was conducted of the birth and development of the Brazilian trade union movement up to the advent of the 1988 Federal Constitution, which marked the definitive break from the military dictatorship’s "years of lead", and consolidated the democratic regime in our country, but – upon a decision by the Constitutional Assembly – preserved the single trade union model, and did not opt for broad union freedom. Thus, a statistical view of unionization in Brazil – based on IBGE data - is provided, and a comparison is made with union costs. In parallel, the importance of the International Labor Organization and its main conventions is described with highlights on the trade union structure in other countries, which could serve as a paradigm for implementation of a plural trade union system. Then, a survey was conducted on the advances and retrocessions that occurred after the 1988 Constitution was enacted, both in the legislative and judicial fields, and the legal advances made under the recently enacted "Labor Reform" Law. The examination of this institutional scenario points to the conclusion that, in view of the democratic principles set forth in the Constitution, the adoption a plural trade union system imposes itself as way of valuing and unconditionally recognizing trade union freedom of association / A presente tese objetiva demonstrar que o sistema sindical brasileiro lastreado no princípio da unicidade sindical encontra-se “estacionado” no tempo em descompasso com o regime da pluralidade sindical preconizado pelos regimes democráticos e que concretizou de forma plena a liberdade sindical, enquanto esteio de manifestação da classe trabalhadora. Assim por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica fez-se inicialmente uma retrospectiva histórica do nascimento e crescimento do movimento sindical brasileiro até o advento da Constituição Federal de 1988, a qual cristaliza o rompimento definitivo com os “anos de chumbo” representados pela ditadura militar, ao consolidar o regime democrático em nosso país, porém, por vontade da Assembleia Constituinte manteve o regime de unicidade sindical ao invés de se optar pela liberdade sindical ampla. Efetuamos um levantamento do panorama estatístico da sindicalização no Brasil com dados do IBGE, fazendo-se um contraponto com as fontes de custeio dos sindicatos. De forma paralela descreve-se a importância da Organização Internacional de Trabalho e suas principais convenções, destacando-se a estrutura sindical em outros países que poderão servir de paradigma na implantação do sistema de pluralidade sindical. Na sequência, efetua-se um levantamento dos avanços e retrocessos havidos após a Constituição de 1988, tanto no campo legislativo, como no jurisdicional, e os avanços jurídicos propiciados pela recente Lei denominada “Reforma Trabalhista”. Com o desenhar deste cenário institucional, concluiu-se que diante dos princípios democráticos que imantam a Carta Magna, a adoção do sistema de pluralidade sindical se impõe como forma de valorização e reconhecimento incondicional da liberdade sindical

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula Cristina Monteiro Ozorio.pdf: 649152 bytes, checksum: 1b0f34566bf4075a4c2b4b88383305a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-13 / The research addresses the relationship of work in agribusiness of sugar cane in the State of São Paulo to identify the reasons and economic policies of his historic building from the first division, occupation and productive use of their lands, directed since the colonial times in its legal constructions, get to identify the legal limits of the economic power that can or not to be can showing in this relation for the identification of the State s function in a development in this process. From then will be required score the possibilities of legal and political performance of the employees, through union organization, undertake the modifications that result in effective improvement of their living conditions and work. / A pesquisa aborda as relações de trabalho na agroindústria canavieira paulista para identificar as razões políticas e econômicas de sua construção histórica a partir da primeira divisão, ocupação e utilização produtiva de suas terras, encaminhada desde os tempos coloniais em suas imbricações jurídico-legais. Buscar-se-á ainda identificar os limites jurídicos do poder econômico que podem ou não ser revelados nesta relação para a identificação do papel do Estado no desenvolvimento deste processo. A partir de então será ainda necessário pontuar as possibilidades jurídicas e políticas de atuação dos trabalhadores, por meio da organização sindical, empreenderem as modificações que resultem na efetiva melhoria das suas condições de vida e de trabalho.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

8. 5. 2019 Abstract Diploma thesis Political and Civic Rights in Cuba in the light of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and the European Union Adéla Chamrádová Institute of Political Science Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University 2018/2019 This diploma thesis is dealing with the compliance of human rights in Cuba related to the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement that Cuba has concluded with the European Union at the end of 2016. Every EU's trade, cooperation or political dialogue agreement with third states has to contain a so-called human rights clause. This clause guarantees that both sides comply with human rights, democracy and the rule of law principles. The objective of my thesis is, therefore, to investigate if Cuba has indeed made a progress in the area of human rights under the influence of this treaty. I focus on political and civic rights, as Cuba continues to be criticized by the international community for their long-term violation. The subject of my research will be freedom of expression and thought and right to peaceful assembly and association.

Le Code du travail, pièce maîtresse du droit des rapports collectifs du travail au Québec, ne reconnaît pas l’accréditation multipatronale et érige certains obstacles aux négociations collectives multipatronales. Au tournant des années 2000, la Cour suprême du Canada (ci-après « Cour suprême ») a élargi l’interprétation donnée à la liberté d’association prévue à l’alinéa 2d) de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés (ci-après « Charte canadienne »). Cette dernière protège désormais, dans une certaine mesure, les droits fondamentaux d’association, de négociation collective et de grève. Dans ce mémoire, l’auteure évaluera s’il est possible de remettre en question la légalité de l’interdiction de l’accréditation multipatronale, un postulat implicite sur lequel repose le Code du travail, par une contestation de sa validité constitutionnelle. Pour ce faire, l’auteure tracera un bref portrait historique et sociologique des rapports collectifs du travail pour mieux situer la question, exposera l’état du droit en matière d’accréditation multipatronale, fera un tour d’horizon de la littérature portant sur les insuffisances du modèle de relations industrielles actuel en rapport à l’accréditation multipatronale et résumera l’interprétation donnée à la liberté d’association par la Cour suprême. Ensuite, à partir d’un cas hypothétique, et en se basant sur le cadre analytique développé par la Cour suprême dans la trilogie de 2015, l’auteure analysera l’histoire des relations de travail au Canada, la portée du droit garanti par l’alinéa 2d), les valeurs inhérentes à la Charte canadienne et le droit international du travail pour tenter de construire un argumentaire autour de l’existence d’une entrave substantielle au droit à un processus véritable de négociation collective et, le cas échéant, d’évaluer si la violation est justifiée en vertu de l’article premier de la Charte canadienne. / The Labour Code does not recognize multi-employer certification and erects certain obstacles to multi-employer collective bargaining. At the turn of the 2000s, the Supreme Court of Canada (the « Supreme Court ») broadened the interpretation given to the freedom of association under section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the« Canadian Charter »). The latter now protects, to a certain extent, the fundamental rights of association, the right to bargain collectively and the right to strike. In this thesis, the author will assess whether it is possible to question the legality of the prohibition of multi-employer accreditation by challenging its constitutional validity. In order to answer this question, the author will briefly study historical and sociological aspects of labour relations, present the state of the law concerning multi-employer certification, provide an overview of the literature regarding the insufficiencies of the industrial relations model in relation to multi-employer certification and summarize the interpretation given by the Supreme Court to freedom of association. Then, based on a hypothetical case and the analytical framework developed by the Supreme Court in the 2015 trilogy, the author will analyze the history of labour relations in Canada, the scope of the right guaranteed under section 2(d), the underlying values of the freedom of association and the international labour law in an attempt to build an argument around the existence of a substantial interference with collective bargaining and, where applicable, to assess whether the violation is justified under section 1 of the Canadian Charter.

À l’heure actuelle, la régulation des chaines mondiales de production dépend principalement de mécanismes non étatiques tels que les codes de conduite et les audits sociaux implantés par les entreprises, les ONG et les organisations internationales. Dans cette recherche, nous évaluons si les audits menés par Nike, Adidas et Puma peuvent contribuer à renforcer les droits des travailleurs chinois. À l’aide d’entrevues réalisées sur le terrain auprès d’auditeurs et d’ONG, nous avons conceptualisé quatre conditions de base, lesquelles concernent la participation directe des travailleurs, le développement de capacités locales, le respect de la liberté d’association et la professionnalisation du travail d’auditeur social. Notre étude conclut que des étapes restent à franchir afin que les audits deviennent des outils d’avancement des droits fondamentaux. L’enjeu prioritaire demeure le développement de structures démocratiques afin de permettre aux ouvriers de former des syndicats libres et de négocier leurs propres conventions de travail. / Current regulation of global supply chains mainly relies on non state mechanisms such as codes of conduct and social audits implemented by corporations, non governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations. This research seeks to assess if the audits carried out by Nike, Adidas and Puma can help strengthen the rights of Chinese workers. Through field work interviews conducted with auditors and NGOs, four basic conditions were defined and involve direct participation of workers, local capacity building, respect of freedom of association and professionalization of social auditors. The outcome of the study reveals progress still needs to be achieved for audits to become tools for the advancement of fundamental rights. The primary issue remains the development of democratic systems to allow workers to form free unions and negotiate their own collective labour agreements.

Cette étude traite des difficultés que rencontrent les travailleurs agricoles salariés dans l’exercice de leur droit à la liberté d’association et à la négociation collective. Ils sont souvent exclus des régimes législatifs nationaux de protection des droits syndicaux ou restreints dans leur capacité de les exercer en dépit du fait qu’ils sont parmi les plus pauvres et mal nourris de la planète et donc requerraient une protection accrue. Quelles sont les causes historiques de ce traitement discriminatoire (première partie) ? Comment le droit international du travail contribue-t-il à remédier à cette situation (deuxième partie) ? En quoi est-ce que le droit international du travail a-t-il influencé le droit interne canadien pour la protection des travailleurs agricoles salariés (troisième partie) ? Les causes du traitement singulier accordé à ces travailleurs remontent aux origines mêmes de l’agriculture. Consciente des caractéristiques particulières de cette activité, l’Organisation internationale du travail affirmera dès le début du 20e siècle qu’il est injustifié d’empêcher les travailleurs agricoles salariés de se syndiquer. Elle insiste sur la valeur fondamentale des droits syndicaux devant différents forums onusiens et favorise leur promotion à travers l’élaboration de normes du travail mais également d’instruments de soft law, considérés mieux adaptés dans un contexte contemporain de mondialisation. Ce droit international du travail influencera ensuite l’interprétation de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés par les tribunaux canadiens dans leur analyse de la constitutionnalité de l’exclusion totale ou partielle des travailleurs agricoles salariés des régimes législatifs de protection des droits syndicaux. / This study analyses the difficulties faced by agricultural workers exercising their rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining. These workers often find themselves excluded from national legislation providing for the protection of union rights, and when these rights are provided to them, their ability to exercise them is limited. Being amongst the poorest human beings on earth, agricultural workers would instead require stronger protection. What are the historical causes of this discriminatory treatment (part one) ? How has international labour law helped to correct this situation (part two) ? In what way did international labour law influence canadian domestic law in regard of the protection of wage earning agricultural workers (part three) ? The reasons for the singular treatment of this class of workers go back to agriculture’s very roots. Conscious of the particular characteristics of this activity, the International Labour Organisation asserted, at the very beginning of the 20th century, that no justification stood to limit the rights of agricultural workers to unionize. It later insisted on the fundamental value of union rights in front of diverse UN forums and favoured their promotion for agricultural workers through the elaboration of labour standards as well as extensive use of soft law tools, considered more suited to the globalised world. International labour law also contributed to the interpretation of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom by Canadian courts in their analysis of the constitutionality of total or partial exclusion of agricultural workers from legislation protecting union rights.

À l’heure actuelle, la régulation des chaines mondiales de production dépend principalement de mécanismes non étatiques tels que les codes de conduite et les audits sociaux implantés par les entreprises, les ONG et les organisations internationales. Dans cette recherche, nous évaluons si les audits menés par Nike, Adidas et Puma peuvent contribuer à renforcer les droits des travailleurs chinois. À l’aide d’entrevues réalisées sur le terrain auprès d’auditeurs et d’ONG, nous avons conceptualisé quatre conditions de base, lesquelles concernent la participation directe des travailleurs, le développement de capacités locales, le respect de la liberté d’association et la professionnalisation du travail d’auditeur social. Notre étude conclut que des étapes restent à franchir afin que les audits deviennent des outils d’avancement des droits fondamentaux. L’enjeu prioritaire demeure le développement de structures démocratiques afin de permettre aux ouvriers de former des syndicats libres et de négocier leurs propres conventions de travail. / Current regulation of global supply chains mainly relies on non state mechanisms such as codes of conduct and social audits implemented by corporations, non governmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations. This research seeks to assess if the audits carried out by Nike, Adidas and Puma can help strengthen the rights of Chinese workers. Through field work interviews conducted with auditors and NGOs, four basic conditions were defined and involve direct participation of workers, local capacity building, respect of freedom of association and professionalization of social auditors. The outcome of the study reveals progress still needs to be achieved for audits to become tools for the advancement of fundamental rights. The primary issue remains the development of democratic systems to allow workers to form free unions and negotiate their own collective labour agreements.