<p>The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.</p>

The study argues that implicit in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the principle of immigration as human rights is supported by principle of positive freedom, negative freedom, and equal autonomy. The study endorses a liberal egalitarian perspective by claiming that human right to immigrate promotes equal autonomy. The study also investigates why the principle of immigration as a human right has been dismissed by doctrines within Liberalism. It argues that a state lacks a legitimacy to employ a principle of national self-determination against the immigration issue. Instead, a state has a moral obligation to the protection of a human right to immigrate; it also has a duty to provide equal social rights to the immigrants in compared with those of the citizens.

<p>Faktagranskning: Mats Bergquist, Docent i Statsvetenskap</p>

Universities have traditionally stood as bastions of academic freedom and forums for open discourse and free expression. In recent years, however, this role has been questioned in instances where university administrators have, either directly or complicity, denied students the opportunity to express certain viewpoints they deem “controversial”. This research paper explores whether a university, or its delegates, should be allowed to deny students access to campus facilities and resources solely on the basis of ideological viewpoint. The relevance of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, statutory human rights provisions, and common law doctrines to the student-university relationship are explored in turn. It is argued that, notwithstanding the fact that universities may be “private” actors to whom the Charter does not directly apply, they are institutions invested with a public interest, and as such ought to be subject to special duties of non-discrimination.

Universities have traditionally stood as bastions of academic freedom and forums for open discourse and free expression. In recent years, however, this role has been questioned in instances where university administrators have, either directly or complicity, denied students the opportunity to express certain viewpoints they deem “controversial”. This research paper explores whether a university, or its delegates, should be allowed to deny students access to campus facilities and resources solely on the basis of ideological viewpoint. The relevance of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, statutory human rights provisions, and common law doctrines to the student-university relationship are explored in turn. It is argued that, notwithstanding the fact that universities may be “private” actors to whom the Charter does not directly apply, they are institutions invested with a public interest, and as such ought to be subject to special duties of non-discrimination.

This thesis within economics is examining the impact that remittances could have on the level of new small and medium sized enterprise start-ups. Remittances could be seen as a capital flow and would therefore increase the level of new SME start-ups but is this really the case? A model is developed with a panel data set over 45 countries all across the globe over a two year period. Six businesses environment variables are included in the regressions to see how the businesses environment affects the level of new SME start-ups. This model is also used when testing if the relationship between remittances and the level of new SMEs are stronger in the middle income countries than in the lower income countries. The descriptive statistics shows that both remittances and the number of new SME`s have increased from 2003 to 2005. The level of new SME`s have increased with a larger percentage share in the middle income countries relative to low income countries. The results from this thesis are somewhat difficult to interpret. Although there seems to be the case that remittances are not affecting the level of new SME start-ups when including all the countries in the same regression. As the countries are divided into two groups one can see a stronger relationship between remittances and the level of new SME started in the low income countries than in the middle income countries. One can also see that credit right and the cost of starting a new business is strongly related to the level of new SME.

The aim of this study is to present an examination of the philosophies of Aristotle, Karl Marx and Herbert Marcuse concerning labor and leisure in the context of freedom. These philosophers have paid attention to the concepts labor and leisure / their view of freedom is dependent on the relationship they have established between labor and leisure. To this end, I firstly give a general overview of the concepts labor, leisure and freedom / afterwards, I try to show how these concepts have been considered in the history of thought. I examine the concepts labor and leisure in Aristotle&rsquo / s political and ethical thought. I discuss the connection between Aristotle&rsquo / s perfect state and his view of ethics in the context of labor and leisure, and the relation between best way of life and freedom in Aristotle is presented. Next, I analyze Karl Marx&rsquo / s view of human nature and his theory of estrangement. I investigate the condition of labor and leisure in the capitalist society from Marx&rsquo / s point of view / and consider Marxian conceptions &ldquo / the realm of freedom&rdquo / and &ldquo / the realm of necessity&rdquo / is considered in context of labor and leisure. Lastly, I analyze Herbert Marcuse&rsquo / s critique of the advanced industrial society and the thoughts on &ldquo / one dimensional man&rdquo / it creates. I dwelled on the possibilities of technological developments, and the changes they bring about concerning labor and leisure, both as means of servitude and freedom. In the conclusion, I give a brief summary, and consider the similarities and differences among the views of Aristotle, Karl Marx and Herbert Marcuse concerning labor, leisure and freedom.

Univ., Diss./2006--Freiburg i. Br., 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [509] - 519. - Text überw. dt., teilw. engl.

published_or_final_version / Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

Abstract Sweden has had a long tradition of freedom of the press and freedom of speech. Today the judicial area is regulated by the constitution of the press and the constitution of speech. The purpose of the two constitutions is to secure the right for every Swedish citizen to express their thoughts, opinions and feelings. The constitutions are designed to regulate the techniques with which the information is distributed and not to regulate the information in itself. This fact has caused a debate to arise on the subject whether the constitutions are still suitable to regulate the judicial area when the technical development causes the constitutions to get out of date and in need of constant updating. As a rule the usage of social media is not regulated by the constitution of speech the information distributed through these webpages can be included by the protection given by the constitution but very few of these webpages fulfill the criteria’s demanded by the constitution. The purpose of this essay is to ask the question whether the constitution of speech should be reformed to better regulate the technical development in the future. The essay examines whether a new constitution can be developed so that it no longer is tied to a certain technique and if it, in the future, should include all the information distributed through social media. It is the author´s conclusion that the constitution of freedom of speech should be concentrated on giving a special protection to professional companies’ whose occupation it is to distribute information to the public. This is the best way to preserve a regulation that is clear, consistent and easy to practice. A constitution that is given an area that is too wide to regulate will only restrain the freedom of speech and its founding principles and should therefore be avoided.