The Master thesis focuses itself on establishment and development of free press and other media in Albania during the period since the fall of communism till today. Along with the gradual losing of power of communist regime since 1990 that culminated in 1992 by the establishment of democratic government, new era of Albanian media started, an era filled by dynamic changes and twists that have impact on the media up to these days. The aim of the author is to describe this development and to assess how Albanian media faced it and thus influenced current shape and functioning of the media market. Apart from describing the media scene in the 1990s and 2000s, specifically the establishment and development of main Albanian media as well as political and economic situation of the country, the main goal of the thesis lies in assessing the degree of independence of current Albanian press and describing of work conditions of local journalists. The main source to do that were the interviews conducted with Albanian journalists commenting mainly the issues of freedom of speech and press in their own country as well as conditions of their everyday work and thus revealing functioning of media and other sectors in this Balkan country.

The purpose of my thesis is to analyse private law limitations of freedom of expression in media with respect to case-law. The study focuses on the limitations of freedom of expression in relation to natural persons. Since the aim of the study is to compare the Czech and German legal regulation, particular emphasis is put on the comparative method. I tried to evaluate legal regulations in both countries, to what extent they overlap, what they have in common and what they differ in, or alternatively to what degree they can inspire each other. Besides introduction and conclusion, the study consists of four chapters. The first chapter is subdivided into two parts. Part one describes media, their basic definition and characteristics, as well as their role and function in the jurisprudence. Part two deals with the definition, constitutional protection and classification of the "communication" fundamental rights and freedoms - freedom of expression, right to information and freedom of the press (media). Chapter two focuses on the protection of personal rights in the media context. Part one examines their importance and constitutional protection, part two describes specific individual personal rights, and part three illustrates the postmortal protection of personal rights. Chapter three presents the...

O trabalho analisou os projetos de regulação das atividades da imprensa brasileira, discutindo a recepção, pelos jornais e no Parlamento, das legislações apresentadas e aprovadas durante o período republicano, nos anos de 1923, 1934, 1953 e 1967, e também o projeto rejeitado em 1956. Todos esses regulamentos, propostos por diferentes governos ao Congresso Nacional, foram discutidos e salientados ao público através de informações divulgadas pelos jornais escolhidos e também nas reuniões promovidas pelos congressistas e registradas em documentos oficiais, o que tornou possível identificar os argumentos utilizados tanto pelos periódicos quanto pelo sistema político, demonstrando que o tema da liberdade de imprensa se constituiu como discurso retórico usado por ambas as partes – governos e jornais – em defesa de sua atuação social. O trabalho de produção de notícias e informações, desenvolvido pela imprensa, foi configurado por movimentos históricos originados no Iluminismo, que projetava essa atividade como forma de propiciar ao cidadão as ferramentas para atuar na esfera pública, desde que respeitadas proposições que permitissem que os diferentes discursos fossem levados ao conhecimento do público. No processo histórico que levou ao desenho institucional da imprensa brasileira, essa condição ficou prejudicada, dentre outros motivos por ter a imprensa se tornado objeto de interesse de grupos sociais específicos, o que produziu conflitos com os governos. A tese concluiu que o processo histórico de elaboração das leis que deveriam regular o trabalho da imprensa teve uma recepção negativa pelos jornais, que argumentaram ser essa legislação uma tentativa de obstruir o trabalho por eles desenvolvido. No entanto, como se demonstrou, o processo resultou da disputa política e social protagonizada pelos diferentes grupos de interesse – imprensa e jornais – colocando em lados opostos os governos e as organizações jornalísticas, em torno da liderança pela atuação como mediador entre os cidadãos e o Estado. / This paper analyzes bills intended to regulate Brazilian press activities, as well as discusses the receptivity of the legislation submitted and passed by newspapers and the Parliament during the republican period in the years 1923, 1934, 1953 and 1967, in addition to the bill which was rejected in 1956. All these regulations, which were submitted to the National Congress by different governments, were shown and highlighted to the public through information published in selected newspapers and meetings promoted by congressmen and recorded in official documentation, which enabled the identification of arguments used by both newspapers and the political system, thus demonstrating that the theme of freedom of the press was rather a rhetorical discourse used by both parties – governments and newspapers – in the defense of their social performance. The task of producing news and information developed by the press has been shaped up by historical movements originated in the Enlightenment period, which projected this activity as a way of providing the citizen with the tools to act in the public sphere, on condition that the propositions allowing that different speeches brought to the attention of the public were respected. In the historical process that led to the institutional design of the Brazilian press, this condition was impaired, among other reasons because the press became an object of interest of specific social groups, giving rise to conflicts with governments. The thesis concluded that the historical process of drafting laws which should regulate the work of the press was not welcome by newspapers, which argued that this legislation was an attempt to interfere with their work. Nevertheless, as it has been shown, the process resulted from a political and social dispute between different interest groups – press and newspapers – placing governments and news organizations on opposite sides as to who should lead the mediation between citizens and the State.

John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

by Yu Ding-bor. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1981. / Bibliography: leaves 98-104.

Le droit d’auteur est le théâtre de conflits entre différents intérêts. D’un côté ceux de l’auteur et de ses ayants droit, de l’autre ceux du public, des exploitants et des intermédiaires techniques de l’Internet. Le droit d’auteur s’est construit en prenant en compte ces tensions entre les différentes parties prenantes. Or, aujourd’hui, les droits fondamentaux sont invoqués par chacun des acteurs du droit d’auteur pour la défense de ses intérêts propres. Ces normes, ayant une valeur supra-législative, sont de nature à exercer une influence sur l’équilibre du droit d’auteur mis en place par le législateur et interprété par le juge. Le travail présenté se propose d’analyser l’intensité de cette influence tant dans l’élaboration législative du droit que dans son application jurisprudentielle. La démarche envisagée est celle d’un examen de l’importance des droits fondamentaux sur le droit d’auteur des fondations législatives historiques aux récents développements jurisprudentiels. / Different interests could come into conflicts in copyright law : on one hand those of the author and his/her right holders, and on the other hand those of the copyright industry and the Internet services. Copyright law takes all these interests into account. But now fundamental rights are cited by each actor to defend its own interest. These rights could influence copyright law’s balance. This thesis analyses the intensity of fundamental rights’ influence on copyright law’s legislation and jurisprudence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo Ricardo Rosim.pdf: 570325 bytes, checksum: 574b58b9514c303807cd0199925c9526 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-20 / This essay is about the collision of rights involving the freedom of religions and the freedom of expression in the public square. This work aims to reveal witch of the two fundamental rights should prevail in case of conflict between the freedoms occurring in the public sphere and what its extension, on previously specified hypoyhesis. Intends to find the constitutionally optimal solution to the conflict between these rights, throught the use of techniques provided to the constitutional doctrine / O presente estudo tem como tema a colisão dos direitos de liberdade religiosa e de liberdade de expressão na esfera pública. Pretende revelar qual dos dois direitos fundamentais deverá prevalecer no caso de colidência entre as liberdades ocorridas no âmbito público e em qual medida, nas hipóteses previamente especificadas. Busca encontrar a solução constitucionalmente ótima para o conflito envolvendo esses direitos, mediante o emprego das técnicas previstas pela doutrina constitucional

羅國森. / 本論文於1997年12月31日呈交. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 64-69. / 中英文摘要. / Luo Guosen. / Chapter 1. --- 研究問題 --- p.5 / Chapter 2. --- 文獻回顧 --- p.8 / Chapter 3. --- 理論框架 --- p.14 / Chapter 3.1 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的形成 --- p.16 / Chapter 3.2 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的關係 --- p.17 / Chapter 4. --- 研究方法 --- p.20 / Chapter 4.1 --- 從旁觀察 --- p.20 / Chapter 4.2 --- 文獻分析 --- p.21 / Chapter 4.3 --- 深度訪問 --- p.21 / Chapter 5. --- 研究結果 --- p.23 / Chapter 5.1 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的現況 --- p.24 / Chapter 5.2 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的分佈 --- p.28 / Chapter 5.3 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的表現形式 --- p.33 / Chapter 5.4 --- 新聞審查與自我審查的催化劑 --- p.37 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- 倚重單一廣告來源 --- p.37 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- 弱勢報紙的困局 --- p.41 / Chapter 5.5 --- 單一廣告商的力量 --- p.45 / Chapter 5.6 --- 中方的影響 --- p.50 / Chapter 6 --- 與前瞻 --- p.55 / Chapter 6.1 --- 自我審查的誘因 --- p.57 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 劃一售價取消 --- p.57 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 廣告聯盟的形成 --- p.58 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- 商品普及化 --- p.59 / Chapter 6.1.4 --- 其他 --- p.61 / Chapter 6.2 --- 紓解廣告商壓力的可行途徑 --- p.61 / 註釋 --- p.64 / 參考書目(中文） --- p.66 / 參考書目(英文） --- p.68 / 附錄一：深度訪問名單 --- p.70 / 附錄二 ：深度訪問內容 --- p.71 / 附錄三 《明報》「睇樓手冊」樣本 --- p.73

[pt] Nosso trabalho teve por finalidade analisar como se manifesta a interação teologia/educação nas atividades e procedimentos da escola católica. Para isto, localizamos escolas católicas que possuíam teólogos inseridos em suas equipe profissionais ou que tenham tido assessoria de teólogos durante um certo tempo. Interessava-nos saber como é percebida a presença do bacharel de teologia no cotidiano escola. Por outro lado, também procuramos perceber se o tema da escola em pastoral evidenciado pela linha da Educação para a Justiça e para a Liberdade era, ainda, uma proposta em vias de consolidação ou após 35 anos de seu anúncio tornou-se algo ultrapassado. Para cumprir o nosso objetivo, realizamos entrevistas semi- estruturadas com as direções, os professores de religião e teólogos que trabalham em escolas católicas; além de termos estudado os documentos das escolas (projetos políticos- pedagógicos, regimentos etc). Constatamos que há novos desafios a serem respondidos pela escola católica que deseja atuar em pastoral, dentre eles: o pluralismo religioso, o secularismo e a nova estrutura familiar. À nova problemática da escola católica a teologia, através da figura do bacharel, tem muito a colaborar. Os/as teólogos presentes nos diferentes colégios católicos que pesquisamos têm trabalhado em permanente diálogo com os setores pedagógicos, facilitando a real construção de uma comunidade educativa. Esta realidade, leva-nos a acreditar na fecundidade do diálogo entre a teologia e a educação. / [en] This study analyzes the interaction between Theology and Education in the activities and procedures of Catholic schools. With this objective, the study was carried out in Catholic schools with theologians amongst their staff or acting as consultants for a period of time. The principal focus was in understanding how a university graduate with a Theology degree is perceived. A related interest was in finding out whether the theme of pastoral schooling, grounded in the Theology of Liberation and emphasizing education for justice and freedom, is still a potent force, 35 years after its initiation, or has become obsolete. In order to achieve this objective, interviews were conducted with the headmasters, the teachers of religious studies and the theologians who work in these Catholic schools. School documents, such as the political-pedagogic project, rules and norms etc., were also analyzed. The study shows that new themes have been developed by Catholic schools wanting to develop pastoral work, including religious pluralism, secularism and the new family structure. The conclusion of the study is that Theology, through the figure of the university graduate with a bachelors degree in Theology, has a lot to contribute to the new problems faced by Catholic schools. Theologians, acting in the schools studied, have maintained a permanent dialogue with pedagogic themes, thus facilitating the construction of a real educational community. This leads us to believe in the fruitfulness of a dialogue between Theology and Education.

香港主權移交中國以後，傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式，但過往的研究發現，政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性？本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 / 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響，但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼？新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係？這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解，並以布迪爾理論為基礎，整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念，而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性，和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 / 本研究顯示，由於政治環境的變化，香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後，新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案，檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者，另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 / 研究發現，香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查，但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導，他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容，發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外，根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度，本研究將中國組記者分成三類：局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地，但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制，不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者，由於對新聞工作有所反思，建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略，亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 / Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. / Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu’s theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists commonly believe that journalistic professionalism can help them to retain autonomy. But professionalism does not necessarily bring autonomy. This study incorporates Bourdieu’s field theory to understand journalistic autonomy as it helps to understand autonomy as a relative concept. Also, Bourdieu’s concept of field and habitus can help us to understand not only the interaction between the journalistic field and other fields and how that constitutes the degree of autonomy, but also to consider autonomy on an individual level ─ the autonomy that individual journalists can achieve. Based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, a field-analytic model of journalistic autonomy is constructed. Especially, this study integrates Bourdieu’s concept of habitus and the concept of commitment developed from Bourdieu’ theory to understand the degree of autonomy that journalists can achieve in their work. With these ideas, a new entry point into the study of journalistic autonomy in social change is opened. / This study finds that since the 1980s, Hong Kong’s journalistic field has shifted from partisan journalism to objective journalism in order to resist the turbulent political environment. In recent years, research on the Hong Kong news media has documented the threat to journalistic autonomy from pro-China political power. The present study chooses to focus on the China-beat reporters as a case study to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy through an analysis of journalistic practice. China-beat journalists are the journalists who report on China for the Hong Kong media. The reason for focusing on China-beat journalists in this study is that they are at the frontier of the battlefield between the journalistic field and the political field. For this research, I conducted in-depth interviews with twenty-two journalists, and examined books and public talks related to China reporting. / Findings of this study reveal the de-politicization of China reporting. Though journalists are aware of the censorship on reporting, they are co-opted into the institutionalization of the Chinese State by joining official press tours, sourcing from Mainland media outlets and official press conferences, and balancing their reports with interviews with government spokespersons. While journalists perceive these practices as exercising objective reporting, they are unconscious of the political power embedded in these interactions. The de-politicization of China reporting in recent years reflects the erosion of autonomy as many journalistic practices are aligned with political power, and this is reflected in the news content. This study finds that journalists’ cultural capital and commitment in the field constitute different form of journalistic autonomy. According to these two criteria, China-beat journalists are categorized into three types: Detached journalists, Attached journalists, and Synthesized journalists. The labels describe their cultural and emotional attachment in between Hong Kong and Mainland China. Detached journalists resist integration with China but neglect the blind spot of the political character of objective journalism. Attached journalists’ career paths are constrained by their cultural capital, and they fail to see the political forces embedded in news sourcing and journalistic practice. The high cultural capital and commitment of Synthesized journalists help them to be reflexive in journalistic work, which helps them to articulate their own autonomy and gain skills to resist the growing domination of political forces in the journalistic field. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Tsui, Yuen Sze. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 183-194). / Abstracts also in Chinese; includes Chinese.