In the current fight against Islamic extremism, the United States is challenged in its ability to isolate and target specific individuals and groups in select regional environments - efforts that are arguably symptomatic of broader shortfalls in US global influence and strategic reach. These particularly troublesome environments are characterized by a lack of State control and are populated with fiercely independent, largely Muslim, and decidedly anti-western communities. Unable to consistently penetrate and influence these "ungoverned" regions, operational intelligence remains sporadic and opportunities limited. No broader, structural change has yet been made that would weaken or sever the links among Islamic extremists and their regional hosts over a sustained period or enable greater cooperation between the US or its allies with indigenous tribal populations. Accordingly, these regions continue to provide ideal locations for terrorist sanctuary, bases of support and operation, and freedom of movement. A supplemental US policy option is required. The challenge thus becomes one of how to create more effective opportunities to gain influence and control over these select tribal regions while countering the influence of competitors over a sustained period. A policy of manipulating tribal fractures and rivalries in order to induce or heighten internal conflict could provide these opportunities.

The purpose of this qualitative study was to examine psychological processes that can contribute to religiously motivated violence from a psychology of religion perspective in relation to the collective meaning-system of the Christian militant anti-abortion movement the Army of God. The study applied a single-case design and the data was collected through semi-structured interviews with 3 prominent figures within Army of God, as well as through 43 qualitative documents and 4 autobiographical books. The collected data was analyzed through a deductive approach, implementing the concept of sanctification, social identity theory, selective moral disengagement, and the Staircase to Terrorism model. The results show that the collective meaning-system of the Army of God can be understood as a form of religious fundamentalism that acts as a frame that binds the members together, and from which social categorization and group identification can induce acts of violence. The results also demonstrate that abortion is perceived as a grave injustice and destruction of something sacred, and how it leads to a moral outrage and aggression by constituting a threat towards one’s social identity. This threat moves the individuals towards a ‘black-and-white’ and ‘the ends justify the means’ mentality. The act of violence is further prompted by a perceived duty from God and facilitated by a dehumanization of the perceived enemy. The findings of the study address the need of primary empirical data in the psychological research of violent extremism. Furthermore, it brings further knowledge regarding religiously motivated violence and leaderless resistance by taking into account the search for significance and sacred values. In contrast to previous research the current study also demonstrates that a leader or a well-structured group is not necessarily a key factor when explaining religiously motivated violence from a social psychological perspective. This can contribute to the theoretical understanding regarding social identity and a collective meaning-making in relation to violent extremism and lone-wolf terrorism.

Esta pesquisa se insere no campo dos estudos sobre o mundo muçulmano, tendo como objeto as mulheres muçulmanas e sua presença nos movimentos islamistas, entendidos aqui como movimentos fundamentalistas, cuja ideologia política tem como núcleo a defesa das tradições do Islã e a crítica ao Ocidente. O objetivo central é o de investigar em que medida esses movimentos podem estar contribuindo para (ou obstruindo) uma possível emancipação das mulheres muçulmanas, definida essa emancipação por critérios como autonomia na participação sociopolítica e presença nos espaços públicos. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa propõe-se, na perspectiva da História Social, fazer uma abordagem comparativa entre o Egito e a Turquia, pós-anos 80, estruturando-se em torno de três questões principais: a) O islamismo e seu impacto na vida social e política das mulheres; b) A presença feminina nos movimentos islamistas e c) A modernidade no Islã: a mulher e o islamismo. Trabalhando com as noções de Islã, fundamentalismo, identidade, gênero, feminismo, modernidade e outras, a pesquisa, ao voltar-se para as relações entre mulheres e islamismo, espera contribuir também para o estudo dos processos de modernização das sociedades muçulmanas. / This research inserts in the field of the studies about the Muslim world, having as object the Muslim women and its presence in Islamist movements, understood here as fundamentalist movements whose political ideology is centered defense of the traditions of Islam and in the criticism of West. The main objective is to investigate to what extent these movements may be contributing to (or blocking) a possible emancipation of Muslim women, this emancipation defined by criteria such as autonomy in social and political participation and presence in public spaces. In this sense, the research is proposed from the perspective of social history, making a comparison between Egypt and Turkey, after 80, and is structured around three main issues: a) Islam and its impact on social and politics life of women; b) the presence of women in Islamist movements c) modernity in Islam: Women and Islamism. Working with the notions of Islam, fundamentalism, identity, gender, feminism, modernity and other the research to turn to relations between women and Islamism, also hopes to contribute to the study of the modernization of Muslim societies.

Die wichtigste dieser Arbeit zugrunde liegende Frage ist, ob ein spezifisches muslimisches Strafrecht in den muslimischen Ländern noch angewendet werden kann. Gibt es eine Zukunft für die Sharia, und wenn ja, wie sieht diese aus? Welche Art des Strafrechts wird zurzeit und zukünftig benötigt, um ein ruhiges und beständiges Leben in islamischen Gesellschaften zu ermöglichen? Können diese Gesellschaften einen Gesetzeskodex anwenden, der den internationalen und inländischen Erwartungen im Sinne der grundlegenden Menschenrechte sowie den Prinzipien von Gerechtigkeit und Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz entspricht? Mit dieser vorliegende Recherche möchte ich wichtige Konzepte des Strafrechts erklären - nicht nur Nicht-Muslimen sondern auch Muslimen. Wir haben selbst auch das Bedürfnis zu erlernen, wie man mittels wissenschaftlicher Methoden und Logik das islamische Strafrecht erforschen und erfassen kann. Wir möchten zeigen, wie islamisches Strafrecht durch Studie und Analyse verstanden werden sollte. Die Auslegung des Gesetzes muss entsprechend dem Nutzen und im Interesse der Menschen geändert werden, weil Gott möchte, dass seine gesamte Schöpfung in Frieden, Gerechtigkeit und Respekt füreinander lebt. Die heutige islamische Welt ist streng in Modernismus und Fundamentalismus geteilt. Beide Denkweisen können in hohem Grade über ihr Verhältnis zum Westen definiert werden. Modernismus zieht in Betracht, was der Westen erzielt hat und verlangt eine Anpassung der eigenen Ideen, Werte und Bräuche. Die Modernisten befürworten eine ausgedehnte Deutung des Islams, um traditionelle islamische Lehren und Prinzipien harmonisch mit den Aspekten einer modernen, progressiven Gesellschaft co-existieren zu lassen. Fundamentalismus dagegen verlangt die Rückkehr zum angeblich ursprünglichsten Konzept des Islam, das westliche Errungenschaften und Konzepte zurückweist. Bereits zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts stimmten liberale islamische Denker darin überein, dass es zwingend notwendig ist, die rechtlichen Grundlagen zu modernisieren ohne dabei jedoch islamische Beschränkungen völlig zu vernachlässigen. / The big question underlying this work is whether a specific Muslim criminal law can still be applied in Muslim countries. Is there a future for the Sharia, and if yes, how will it look like? What type of criminal law is needed at present and in the future in order to provide for peaceful and stable Islamic societies that apply a law code that meets international and domestic expectations in view of basic human rights as well as general approaches towards justice and equality before the Law? Through this research I would like to explain some important points of criminal law not just for the non -Muslims but also for Muslims. We ourselves want to learn how to conduct research using scientific methods and logic in order to understand Islamic criminal law. We want to show how Islamic criminal law should be understood through study and analysis. The analysis of law must be changed according to the benefits and interests of the people because God wants to see all his creation living in good way, peacefully, with justice and respect for each others. The Islamic world of today is sharply divided between modernism and fundamentalism. Both streams of thought may be defined to a large extent by their relationship to the West. Modernism takes into account what the West has achieved and calls for an adaptation to one's own ideas, values and practices. They advocate a broad interpretation of Islam for harmonising the traditional Islamic teachings and principles with the needs of a modern, progressive society. Fundamentalism, on the other hand, implies a return to a supposedly original core Islamic concept that rejects Western achievements. By the beginning of the 20th century there was a consensus among liberal Islamic thinkers about the necessity to reform and to meet modern legal standards without totally abandoning Islamic restrictions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Liliana Farah de Almeida Prado.pdf: 1142443 bytes, checksum: 5d44e8b64d5a482c9ca60e1a15986f22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research for Doc´s degree purpose, developed in the field of International Relations, describes how the capitalism and Islamic ethic are imbricated in contemporary Egypt after the Infitah or open-doors commercial policy since 1974. The political and historical lines drew since the Revolution of 1954 until our days, shows how the interventionism and neo-liberalism draws the social and economic of modern Egyptian population profile which is administered by the same president since 28 years ago. The Islamic fundamentalism which has his strong roots in Egypt becomes to have a global importance from the disseminated ideas to all Middle East, and the consequences from that dissemination are felt all over the world, East and West nowadays / Esta Tese de Doutorado situa-se no campo das Relações Internacionais e descreve como o capitalismo e a ética muçulmana imbricam-se no Egito contemporâneo após a sua Infitah ou abertura das portas comerciais com o mundo desde 1974. A linha histórico-política traçada desde a Revolução de 1952 até hoje, mostram como o intervencionismo e o neoliberalismo traçaram o perfil sócio-cultural da população egípcia moderna que é governada há 28 anos por uma mesmo presidente. O fundamentalismo islâmico que tem fortíssimas raízes no Egito passa a ter importância mundial a partir da disseminação de suas idéias por todo o Oriente Médio e conseqüências desta disseminação sentidas por todo o mundo, Ocidente e Oriente, nos dias de hoje

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Liliana Farah de Almeida Prado.pdf: 1142443 bytes, checksum: 5d44e8b64d5a482c9ca60e1a15986f22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research for Doc´s degree purpose, developed in the field of International Relations, describes how the capitalism and Islamic ethic are imbricated in contemporary Egypt after the Infitah or open-doors commercial policy since 1974. The political and historical lines drew since the Revolution of 1954 until our days, shows how the interventionism and neo-liberalism draws the social and economic of modern Egyptian population profile which is administered by the same president since 28 years ago. The Islamic fundamentalism which has his strong roots in Egypt becomes to have a global importance from the disseminated ideas to all Middle East, and the consequences from that dissemination are felt all over the world, East and West nowadays / Esta Tese de Doutorado situa-se no campo das Relações Internacionais e descreve como o capitalismo e a ética muçulmana imbricam-se no Egito contemporâneo após a sua Infitah ou abertura das portas comerciais com o mundo desde 1974. A linha histórico-política traçada desde a Revolução de 1952 até hoje, mostram como o intervencionismo e o neoliberalismo traçaram o perfil sócio-cultural da população egípcia moderna que é governada há 28 anos por uma mesmo presidente. O fundamentalismo islâmico que tem fortíssimas raízes no Egito passa a ter importância mundial a partir da disseminação de suas idéias por todo o Oriente Médio e conseqüências desta disseminação sentidas por todo o mundo, Ocidente e Oriente, nos dias de hoje

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silvio Lopes Peres.pdf: 1180074 bytes, checksum: 9602d7d599ca496f84dc369027039457 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-09-11 / This present research deals with the thought of Carl Gustav Jung, concerning the Protestantism as religion. Pronouncing himself protestant, Jung does pertinent considerations regarding the influences that the Protestantism suffered and carried out in the history of the Christianity, and the results that its followers achieve, for belonging to it, since the periods previous to the Reform of the century XVI, focusing its attention in the Enlightenment of the ends of the century XVII and the whole century XVIII, arriving at his days, in the century XX. The objective of this work is to present how Jung understood the Protestantism as " risk and religious possibility ", that is, its negative and positive aspects. For this, we report to somes cientific concepts elaborated by Jung, with the objective of understanding the basis of his observations about the Protestant faith, since his personal experiences is the main point of his scientific analyses , with regard to the Protestantism. / A presente pesquisa trata do pensamento de Carl Gustav Jung, acerca do Protestantismo como religião. Declarando-se protestante, Jung faz considerações pertinentes quanto às influências que o Protestantismo sofreu e desempenhou na história do Cristianismo, e os resultados que seus fiéis logram, por pertencer a ele, desde os períodos anteriores à Reforma do século XVI, focalizando sua atenção no Iluminismo dos finais do século XVII e todo o século XVIII, chegando aos seus dias, no século XX. O objetivo desse trabalho é apresentar como Jung entendeu o Protestantismo como risco e possibilidade religiosa, isto é, seus aspectos negativos e positivos. Para isto nos reportamos a alguns conceitos científicos elaborados por Jung, com o objetivo de compreender os fundamentos de suas observações quanto à fé protestante, visto serem suas experiências pessoais, o ponto principal de suas análises científicas, quanto ao Protestantismo.

The past two decades have seen a surge of research publications in the psychology of religion, with most studies affirming the salutary effects afforded by religious functioning. However, current mental health researchers have advocated for more nuanced examinations of religious constructs and more careful analysis of potentially harmful aspects of religiosity. Particularly absent from the psychological literature are the mental health effects religious beliefs may exert on parishioners. Researchers note that this is surprising given the general psychological tenet that beliefs are inextricably bound-up with affective states and general mental health. Responding to the admonition of researchers in the field, this study proposes and tests an initial model of psycho-spiritual abuse. The proposed model of psycho-spiritual abuse hypothesizes that religious beliefs such as the theological doctrine of original sin, fundamentalist ideology, lack of self-forgiveness, and negative God-representations, in addition to familial upbringing, may negatively impact an individual’s view of self, thus fostering psychological distress. In particular, this study considers scrupulosity disorder, depression, and shame to be the primary psychiatric maladies engendered by psycho-spiritual abuse. Two hundred thirty five parishioners from 18 Christian faith groups across the United States participated in an online survey consisting of standardized measures of original sin, fundamentalism, self-forgiveness, god image, perceived parental rearing, scrupulosity, depression, and shame. A canonical correlation analysis was conducted because it allows for the simultaneously testing of the relationship between the criterion variables (i.e., scrupulosity, depression, and shame) and predictor variables (i.e., original sin, religious fundamentalism, self-forgiveness, parental rearing perceived as rejecting, emotionally warm, and overprotective, as well as accepting, presence, and challenging God-representations) of interest. Results reveal that greater degrees of belief in the theological doctrine of original sin as well as greater adherence to religious fundamentalist ideologies are directly and indirectly associated with scrupulous and depressive symptomatology as well as with shame-prone feelings and actions in unhealthy ways. Results also indicate that God-representations also play an essential role in scrupulosity, depression, and shame in hypothesized ways. Hence, such results further implicate the centrality of religious ideologies in the expression of psychopathology. Additionally, results seem to suggest that the direct familial contribution to the expression of psychopathology among parishioners appears to be weaker (i.e., secondary) than that of religious beliefs; this statement is based on the fact that perceived parental rearing practices were secondary contributors to the synthetic variable of psycho-spiritual beliefs in both Function 1 and 2. Finally, these results suggest that the primary mechanism through which religious beliefs as well as familial upbringing impact parishioner psychological well-being is the resulting view of the self they engender. Therefore, results suggest that the proposed model of psycho-spiritual abuse is sound. / text

Dystopian fiction as intended in the Western literary tradition is a 20 th century phenomenon on the Arabic literary scene. This relatively new genre has been experiencing an uplift since the beginning of the 21 st century and many works that have been defined dystopias have been published and translated into English in the last 10 – 15 years. In order to find out their main features, Claeys’s categorization of literary dystopias is applied and a thematic analysis is carried out on four Arabic dystopian works of narrative, written by authors from different parts of the Arabic world. The analysis shows that 21 st century Arabic dystopias are political dystopias, with totalitarianism as their main variation. Rather than on society, their focus is on the individual, and more specifically on personal freedom. The totalitarian constraints are mainly caused by religious fundamentalism and bureaucratic procedures. Surveillance and control over population are implemented by means of religious precepts and bureaucratic constructions, together with, in some instances, control over language and technological devices. Political totalitarianism regardless of a specific political ideology is identified as main theme. The thesis suggests that a Western-based classification framework is only partially suitable for Arabic dystopian fiction of the 21 st century and that further research, including but not limited to a specific classification theory for Arabic dystopian fiction, is necessary to properly investigate this new literary trend in Arabic literature.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Capa.pdf: 28000 bytes, checksum: 2b84a6e2b692880021f4c072e4c38c20 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-08-30 / A proposta desta pesquisa é enfocar a história da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil no período de 1910 a 1966, a partir de uma análise histórica institucional, com vistas à compreensão do isolamento ecumênico da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil. A partir da análise de documentos pertencentes ao arquivo da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil, procurou-se proceder o levantamento da memória coletiva e individual dos grupos presbiterianos, conservador e liberal, na tentativa de revelar os acordos silenciosos ? acordos que se manifestam, de forma velada, no plano do discurso ? que expressam a subjetividade objetividade dos sujeitos envolvidos. Essa perspectiva de análise justifica a opção pelo tema "Os acordos silenciosos como fator determinante do isolamento ecumênico da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil (1910 1966)", uma vez que a pesquisa empreendida considera a espessura histórica, social, teórica e política de nosso objeto de estudo, necessária e fundamental para uma melhor compreensão desses acordos silenciosos. Nesse sentido, propomo-nos aproximar a realidade pensada da vivida, interpretar a polissemia de significados encontrados nos documentos e identificar a multiplicidade de pensamentos manifestos nos textos analisados, tomando o método histórico como procedimento de investigação. Os resultados deste trabalho acadêmico reforçam o papel ideológico da Igreja e sua doutrina como força psicológica e social que, ao lado do poder econômico, político e militar, forma o Poder Nacional, estabelece acordos internos e, quando alguém se declara contra esses acordos, as tensões já existentes, agravam-se. Na realização deste trabalho, pretende-se oferecer dados que propiciem a reflexão e o redimensionamento da leitura dos fatos ocorridos nesse período da história da Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil, sem recairmos em posições reducionistas e lesivas para a autônoma e adequada interpretação da realidade analisada.(AU)