A presente pesquisa tem como objeto a investigação sobre os limites e possibilidades presentes na aplicação do Direito Penal no enfrentamento da violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher no Brasil. Para tanto, após esclarecidas questões acerca do fenômeno da violência doméstica, como suas origens e características, analisa-se a trajetória política que levou à elaboração da Lei n. 11.340/2006 (Lei Maria da Penha). É realizada, então, uma análise das previsões legais da Lei Maria da Penha, com especial destaque para as repercussões de caráter penal para o agressor. Posteriormente, dedica-se um capítulo à investigação do Princípio da Subsidiariedade e problematiza-se a aplicação do Direito Penal como instrumento de poder do Estado e como via de política pública, sendo abordados também o aspecto simbólico do Direito Penal e as funções da sanção penal em um Estado Democrático de Direito. Por fim, concretiza-se no último capítulo a investigação sobre as atrações e repulsões entre o Direito Penal e as iniciativas de enfrentamento da violência de gênero no Brasil. / This research intends to investigate both the limits and the possibilities concerning the use of Criminal Law to fight domestic violence against women in Brazil. For this purpose, after clarifying the basic characteristics and origins of domestic violence, we analyze the political trajectory that led to the creation of Law n. 11.340/2006 (Maria da Penha Law). An analysis of the legal provisions of the Maria da Penha Law is then presented, with particular emphasis on the criminal repercussions for the aggressor. Subsequently, a chapter is devoted to investigating the Principle of Subsidiarity and discussing the applications of Criminal Law both as an instrument of power and as a means of public policy, spanning the symbolic aspects of Criminal Law as well as the functions of criminal sanctions in a Democratic State. Finally, the last chapter elaborates on the attractions and repulsions between criminal law and the initiatives to fight gender-based violence in Brazil.

My aim of this this thesis is to examine the assumed benefits of involving men and work on transforming masculinities when implementing the WPS (Women Peace and Security) agenda focusing on UNSCR (United Nations Security Council Resolutions) 1325 and 1820, in peacebuilding efforts and peacekeeping missions. The empirical findings derives from four semi- structured interviews with informants involved in implementing a masculinity perspective in UNSCR 1325, or informants that had conducted research of this area. A document analysis was also conducted to complement with the interviews and to dig deeper into how a focus on masculinities could be implemented. The document analysis consisted of training material from the Swedish Police force training on UNSCR 1325 for Swedish and international personnel going to UN Peacekeeping missions. The data was analysed with the theories radical feminism and R.W Connell’s masculinity theory. The thesis result indicate that the assumed benefits are multiple. The key reason to include men and to work on transforming masculinities could be that it would mean to take a holistic gender perspective, and to focus on the gendered drivers of conflict as well as the impacts of conflict.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The thesis finds that the majority of women affected by HIV and AIDS in South Africa still live in conditions of poor access to health services, inadequate access to housing, limited access to property and live amidst gender-based violence. Nevertheless, there exist legal protections and jurisprudential developments in the country that are significant for the realisation of women's rights in the context of HIV and AIDS. The thesis concludes that the law is not the ultimate site for change to improve women's lives, but that applied with other efforts, can be transformative. / South Africa

La thèse La Violence de genre dans les rapports amoureux en Espagne et au Chili au XXe siècle. Elabora-tion discursive d’un problème social et politique dans le contexte dictatorial et post-dictatorial explore le terreau culturel sur lequel se sont construites, en Espagne et au Chili, les différentes représentations de la violence contre les femmes dans le couple, au XXe siècle. La lutte contre ce problème y a acquis une grande visibilité politique et médiatique ; pourtant, la reconnaissance par les acteurs publics de ce pro-blème n’allait pas de soi dans ces pays de culture patriarcale, où les stéréotypes et les inégalités fon-dées sur le sexe ont été, jusqu’à une date récente, érigés en normes juridiques, politiques, et sociales. Nous postulons que le contexte dictatorial a conduit à une brutalisation des rapports sociaux, notam-ment des rapports de genre. L’omniprésence d’une violence politique genrée et la réarticulation d’un dis-cours de genre traditionnel, ont d’une part, favorisé la restauration d’un ordre de genre qui légitime et invisibilise la violence s’exerçant dans le cadre de relations amoureuses et, d’autre part, interrompu l’effort de conceptualisation de ce phénomène entrepris, dans les deux pays étudiés par des femmes engagées pour l’émancipation féminine. Dans le contexte dictatorial et post-dictatorial, les mouvements féministes analysent la violence de genre comme un problème social et politique, produit d’un système normatif qui a favorisé l’instauration et la naturalisation d’un rapport hiérarchisé de pouvoir et de domina-tion entre hommes et femmes. Nous interrogeons les modalités et temporalités différentes qui s’observent dans les deux pays étudiés. / This thesis explores the cultural underpinnings of the different social representations of gender-based violence in intimate relationships throughout the twentieth century in Spain and Chile. The fight against gender-based violence has become increasingly prominent both politically and in the media in both of these countries. However, recognition of the issue by governmental and public institu-tions was not guaranteed, given the countries’ patriarchal cultures, where stereotypes and gender-based inequalities were, until recently, enshrined in the legal, political, and social systems. We hypothesise that the dictatorships in both countries led to a brutalisation of social relations, in particular gender relations. The pervasiveness of a gendered political violence, and the resurgence of a traditional gender discourse, have both promoted the restoration of a gender order that legitimises and shrouds the violence that can occur within intimate relationships, and also impeded attempts to conceptualise the phenomenon by women committed to female emancipation. In these dictatorial and post-dictatorial contexts, feminist movements analyse gender-based violence as a social and political problem; the product of a normative system that favoured the adoption and normal-isation of a hierarchical relationship of power and domination between men and women. We examine the different temporalities and modalities observed in the two countries.

Efforts to increase girls‘ access to quality education focus mostly on removing obstacles linked to poverty and discrimination, and often fail to acknowledge the violence many of them suffer in, around, and on the way to and from school. The objective of the present research is to examine the barriers to combating male sexual and gender-based violence in schools at the community level, and to consider community and expert-issued suggestions on removing these obstacles in the Ghanaian context. It does so through the lens of the Gender and Development approach and uses the Ecological Model of Gender-based Violence. Inspired by the standpoint feminist approach to research, data collection in Awaso and Accra involved classroom observation in four (4) Junior high school classes, 19 qualitative interviews with government and civil society personnel, and four (4) focus group discussions with parents, students and teachers. The findings show that barriers to eliminating male sexual and gender-based violence in Awaso include lack of knowledge of girls‘ rights to protection from violence, of consequences of violence against women and girls and of reporting mechanisms. Other barriers identified were lack of resources at the family and government levels, traditional values of family, community and religion, and social perceptions of both gender hierarchies and violence against women and girls. Gendered power dynamics underlie these barriers and hinder progress on the issue of girls‘ protection from violence, but groups of Ghanaian women, girls, men and boys are challenging these dynamics and finding ways to make schools safer for girls. Their strategies for change are also featured in the present research.

Le problème de ma recherche se pose ainsi : comment le droit pénal et lapolitique criminelle dans les sociétés multiculturelles et démocratiques doivent-ils réagirface aux délits culturellement motivés, commis par les immigrés -ou de leurs descendants?La dissertation analyse des réponses de la justice pénale des pays occidentaux déterminésface aux trois tipes soi-disant pratiques culturelles néfastes aux femmes qui constituent lesexemples des conflits des cultures.Tout d’abord j’analyse comment les pays européens ont réagi aux suivantes pratiquescontroverses : la violence liée a l’honneur, les mutilations sexuelles féminines et mariagesforcés. Ensuite, je présente le concept de la défense par la culture, caractéristique pour lesystème common law. C’est une stratégie de la défense pour les accusés des délitsculturellement motivés. Enfin, j’étudie les contextes et réponses différentes aux délitsculturellement motivés en l’Europe et aux Etats Unis et aussi la dimension internationale duproblème. Je finalise ma dissertation avec une conclusion que le système de droit pénal etla justice dans les pays démocratiques libéraux et multiculturels doivent être un garant de lavalidité de consensus de la protection égale et non-discriminatoire des valeursfondamentales pour tous les membres de la société sans égard a leur genre ou l’ethnicité. / The main research problem is how penal law and criminal policy inmulticultural and liberal states should react on culturally motivated crimes committed byimmigrants. The dissertation analyses the criminal justice responses of certain westerncountries to three types of so-called harmful traditional practices, which are fine examples ofconflict of cultures. Firstly, I analyse how European countries addressed following harmfultraditional practices: ‘honour’-related violence, female genital mutilation and forcedmarriages. Secondly, I present the concept of cultural defence, generic for common law,which is a strategy of defence for offenders for culturally motivated crimes. Thirdly, I studythe different contexts and responses to culturally motivated crimes in Europe and UnitedStates, so the international dimension of the problem. Finally, I culminate my dissertationwith the conclusion that criminal law and criminal justice in democratic liberal andmulticultural states should be a guarantor of the validity of consensus for equal and nondiscriminatoryprotection of basic values for all members of society regardless their ethnicorigin or gender.

Gender-based violence (GBV) has been used as a tool of instilling fear, hatred and persecution during conflict situations. It is a fact that GBV takes place pre-conflict situations. Moreover, conflicts and wars only accelerate the rate at which GBV is committed. In the 1990s and early 2000s, there was conflict in the Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. These conflicts went down in history as conflicts where horrendous crimes were committed. As a result of the atrocities committed and the magnitude of victims, the international community with the assistance of the United Nations formed the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone. These international tribunals were given the task of prosecuting the perpetrators of these crimes. Prior to the formation of these tribunals, the international community had experienced other wars whereby international tribunals were also formed to deal with the atrocities committed. However, this research only aims at comparatively analysing the ICTY, TCTR and the SCSL because these new tribunals were the first in experiencing the development of the prosecution of GBV. The former international tribunals did not effectively deal with gendered crimes therefore there was no precedent set in international law regarding the prosecutions of these crimes. The conflicts that occurred in the Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone also saw the introduction of more brutal forms of GBV. These forms of GBV that developed forced the tribunals to change the way they prosecuted gender-based crimes because the nature and the magnitude at which the crimes were committed was massive. Forms of GBV that were earlier recognised such as rape and sexual violence were now being used as a means through which the perpetrators committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. The comparative analysis between the ICTR, the ICTY and the SCSL also aims at showing how the different challenges and hurdles that these courts faced when prosecuting these crimes. The pitfalls that the tribunals experienced at the pre-trial phase are also investigated and critically analysed with the aim of drawing lessons about mistakes that should not be repeated in newer international tribunals. A comparative analysis will also be done on the different precedents that were set by the cases that were heard in these tribunals with the aim of showing how these tribunals have indeed contributed to the development of the prosecution of these types of crimes. Finally, recommendations will be made regarding how future international tribunals better deal with these crimes. The research paper also aims at creating awareness that these types of crimes must be treated differently and with caution because the effects that the victims suffer from last way after the conflicts and trials are over. Lessons must be carried from past prosecutions in order to correct and better improve the way in which the prosecutions are carried out and also the way in which the different victims are treated even after the prosecutions have been completed. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / Public Law / unrestricted

Gender-Based Violence (GBS) is one of the most important obstacles in theway to development. The model of communication for social change (C4SC),under an approach of civil rights, presents an unavoidable opportunity for communicators to take over the urgent ethical demand of placing their work atthe service of public politics in order to fulfill this goal; but mainly in order tostrengthen the women agency in order to promote their empowerment. Herethe model of C4SC is overlaid on the case of sexual harassment on the streets,in order to identify the strategic lines that can be used for addressing other casesof gender-based violence. / La violencia basada en género (VBG) es uno de los principales obstáculos aldesarrollo. El modelo de comunicación para el cambio social (C4SC) bajo unenfoque de derechos presenta una oportunidad insoslayable para que los comunicadores asumamos la urgencia ética de poner a la comunicación al serviciode políticas públicas que aborden este reto, pero sobre todo, para fortalecer lacapacidad de agencia de las mujeres con miras a su empoderamiento. Aquí sesuperpone el modelo de C4CS al caso del acoso sexual callejero a fin de identificarlíneas estratégicas que sirvan para el abordaje de otros casos de VBG desdela comunicación.

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The multiple components of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR), promotes women’s wellbeing and rights to a life free from discrimination and violence. Gender-based violence (GBV) is a matter closely related to SRHR and affects women globally on daily basis. South Africa is estimated to score one of the highest rates of GBV in the world. This thesis aims to gain an understanding of how civil society organisations (CSOs) working with SRHR-related issues, approach South African state institutions with regard to strengthen strategies against GBV. A qualitative content analysis is adopted to analyse the CSO’s documents that frame their advocacy work against GBV and how they approach state institutions in South Africa. The results from the analysed documents are thereby examined through theoretical approaches, mainly targeting CSOs ability to translate universal human rights into local contexts, and contributions to social justice. The analysed documents reveal that the selected CSOs mobilise their advocacy against GBV through different media platforms. Moreover, the CSO’s advocacy is presented through evidence-based research, policy briefs, articles and campaigns. Through their approaches to state institutions, the CSOs demand the state to recognise that inequality and patriarchal structures cause GBV and negatively affect women’s wellbeing. Furthermore, the selected CSOs demand fair distribution of resources that ensures women’s safety in the public sphere. In addition, the CSOs demand implementation of educational programmes with gender perspectives in all aspects of society. Finally, the CSOs demand South African state institutions to include all sectors of society in decision-making processes of strategies against GBV. Thus, state institutions can unsure proper implementation of preventative methods against GBV.