Mexico is currently one the most dangerous countries in the world to practice journalism, with one of the highest death rates in the world. Violence against Mexican journalists has received significant attention from researchers, most recently when it comes to digital threats. Research suggests that online harassment against journalists is not only related to the profession or topic covered, but also individual characteristics like gender, race and sexuality. Digital threats affect everyone, but the threats women are faced with are disproportionate. While digital technologies are useful in developing reporting practices, it has also been shown as detrimental. Through a semi-structured WhatsApp interview with a Mexican women journalists and coordinator in an International Journalist Network, this study attempts to identify the perceptions of online threats against women journalists and the use of Networks as a coping strategy. Through the use of digital testimonies, this study attempts to further amplify Mexican women journalists’ voices and experiences when it comes to using Networks as a coping strategy to confront online violence.  The importance here is to understand the Mexican context and the dimensions to digital violence, the possibilities of resilience and the coping strategies practiced by Mexican women journalists. Through analysing perceptions of the threat and their experiences with Networks, this study attemps to identify the strengths and possibilities of Networks as a coping strategy, when it comes to digital threats, but also its barriers and limitations. This study is important to the field of Communication of Development and Social Change as it underscores the importance of listening, understanding local contexts, perceptions and resilience. This is crucial when undertaking intitaves on a larger scale for social change.

This dissertation intervenes in debates in Media Studies, Gender and Sexuality Studies, Canadian Immigration Studies, and Critical Race Studies to explore how shifting news media and political representations of Muslim families reflect the complexities of what it means to be Canadian beyond holding citizenship. In the post-9/11 era, the Muslim family has re-emerged in Canadian English-language news media and Canadian political debates as a site of inherent violence. Drawing on orientalist narratives of the Muslim family, news media and political conversations tend to frame these homes as being headed by patriarchal fathers and oppressed mothers, and children seeking to break from families and traditions, yet always holding the potential to become violent themselves. Even though Canada identifies as a multicultural nation, Muslim families are often presented in media as undeserving of the rights of Canadian citizenship, and even deserving of state violence. While news media play a key role in reproducing orientalist framings of Muslim families, news media can also take the government to task when it comes to the violation of immigrant and racialized Canadians’ rights as citizens. Some news media coverage counter orientalist narratives by producing “positive” representations of Muslim families, however, these “positive” representations frequently frame Muslims who are worthy of the rights of citizenship as adhering to heteronormative family dynamics, productive citizenship, and normative Western gender roles and kinship formations. These “positive” portrayals produce varying representations of Muslim families, but such framings can also labour in the way of reifying Canada’s multicultural ideals and Canada’s idea of itself as “civilized.” Drawing on the news media coverage of the family of Maher Arar, the Khadrs, and the Shafias, I argue that such representations still produce the norms of the settler-colonial Canadian nation, where some racialized bodies, in this case Muslim families, can be granted the rights of Canadian citizenship if they are able to proximate normative Canadian kinship formations. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / In the wake of 9/11, many Canadian English-language news media have framed Muslim men as violent and Muslim women as oppressed. This dissertation analyzes the shifting Canadian news media portrayals of the Muslim family. Muslim homes in Canada are often portrayed as spaces for the perpetuation of violence that threatens the Canadian nation. Simultaneously, news media also portray some Muslim homes as spaces of purportedly “good” Canadian citizens, if these Muslim families are able to conform to Canadian “values.” I examine how Canadian news media mobilize heteronormativity, middle-class status, productive citizenship, among others, to portray some Muslims as ascribing to Canadian values, and therefore worthy of the rights of citizenship. Drawing on the news media coverage of the cases of Maher Arar and Monia Mazigh, Ahmed and Omar Khadr and Maha Elsamnah, and Mohammed Shafia, Rona Mohammed, and Tooba Yahya, I analyze how Muslims who are viewed as not assimilating to Western ideals of family are deemed as undeserving of the rights of citizenship, and, in addition, may even deserve violence.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est double : mesurer et expliquer l’éloignement apparent entre les associations de lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles et l’État français, et participer au débat, plus large, sur le concept d’institutionnalisation des mouvements sociaux. Depuis une dizaine d’années, en France, les prises de position gouvernementales vont dans le sens d’une plus grande importance donnée à la lutte contre les violences de genre, à travers, entre autres, le développement d’un arsenal législatif conséquent, la mise en place de stratégies et de plans interministériels, ou encore l’attribution du label « grande cause nationale » à cet enjeu. Pour autant, le manque de transparence et l’insuffisance des moyens déployés sont inlassablement décriés par une pluralité d’actrices et d’acteurs, à la fois au sein et en dehors des institutions. En mobilisant des données budgétaires et financières couplées à des entrevues auprès de représentantes associatives et institutionnelles, il s’agit donc d’analyser les liens contemporains entre les différents paliers de l’administration et deux associations historiques, le Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol et la Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes. / The aim of this thesis is twofold. First, to measure and explain the apparent distance between associations fighting against sexist and sexual violence and the French state. Second, to participate in the wider debate on the concept of institutionalisation of social movements. For the past ten years or so, government positions have been moving in the direction of a greater importance given to the fight against gender based violence, mainly through the development of a substantial legislative arsenal, the implementation of interministerial strategies and plans, and the awarding of the label 'major national cause' to the issue. However, the lack of transparency and the inadequacy of the resources used are constantly being criticized by several actors, both within and outside institutions. By mobilizing budgetary and financial data combined with interviews with associative and institutional representatives, the objective is to analyse the contemporary links between the different levels of the French administration and two historical associations, namely the Collectif Féministe Contre le Viol and the Fédération Nationale Solidarité Femmes.

Thesis (M.A. (Clinical Psychology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / Gender-based violence (GBV) has become a global epidemic and it affects those who are most vulnerable in society, predominantly women and children. Several causal factors have been identified, which include gender norms, socioeconomic inequalities, and South Africa’s violent history. There are many organisations (governmental and non-governmental) that are committed to reducing GBV. However, even with many interventions in place, the prevalence of GBV in South Africa keeps on rising. A qualitative approach was adopted to explore the perceptions of 3rd year psychology students at the University of Limpopo regarding the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. The study used two theoretical frameworks, namely, Social Learning Theory and Feminist Theory. Purposive sampling was used to draw a sample of 16 students (10 females, and 6 males), and the data was analysed using a Thematic Analysis (TA) approach. Three major themes and five subthemes emerged from the analysis, which was supported by existing findings. The themes were identified as GBV prevention campaigns, GBV and government interventions, and GBV knowledge and perceptions. The results of the study found that students had an adequate understanding of GBV prevention campaigns. Their understanding informed their perceptions, which leaned towards supporting the inclusion of men in GBV prevention campaigns. Their perceptions were geared towards a multi-gender approach aimed at increasing awareness, protecting the rights of GBV victims and demanding justice for them. Furthermore, a multi-gender approach was seen as a silver bullet to championing the fight against GBV and stressing the impact that the inclusion of men will have in lowering GBV cases. The current GBV prevention campaigns (both at government and non-governmental levels) were seen as not effective enough in the eradication of GBV. Therefore, a call for a multi-gender approach to GBV prevention campaigns at all societal levels was emphasised. Community-based initiatives (i.e., social organisations) in GBV prevention campaigns were also seen as crucial in the eradication of GBV. / HWSETA ( Health and welfare Sector for Education and Training Authority)

L’image positive du sugar dating sur les médias sociaux suscite des inquiétudes : plusieurs femmes pourraient y adhérer avec des attentes qui ne reflètent pas la réalité. Néanmoins, la stigmatisation associée à cette pratique les incite ensuite à cacher leurs activités, augmentant leur vulnérabilité face à la victimisation et compliquant l’étude de cette population. Devant ce défi, des chercheurs se sont penchés sur l’analyse des sites de rencontre. Or, leurs approches restent souvent superficielles, se limitant à l’étude de profil ou la classification des arrangements. En dépit de quelques recherches exploratoires, l’expérience des sugar babies reste peu étudiée et plusieurs aspects demeurent méconnus. Dans ce contexte, ce mémoire vise approfondir la compréhension de l’expérience des sugar babies dans le monde du sugar dating. Guidée par une perspective de criminologie féministe, cette étude présuppose l’influence du système de genre sur le choix de partenaire et sur la dynamique de ces relations. Par une approche qualitative, nous cherchons à comprendre leurs motivations, le déroulement de leurs relations et leurs victimisations. Afin de pallier les difficultés de recrutement, une analyse de contenu de 381 fils de discussion et leurs 3 978 commentaires issus d’un forum populaire a été menée avec la méthode systématique de Krippendorff. En effet, face à la stigmatisation, les forums en ligne sont devenus des espaces où les sugar babies échangent sur leurs expériences, partagent des conseils et trouvent du soutien. Ainsi, nous avons pu accéder à leurs expériences subjectives, offrant ainsi une exploration approfondie et nuancée de leurs réalités. Leurs témoignages révèlent des motivations variées : financières, mentorales, relationnelles, et la quête de sensations fortes. Elles décrivent également la progression de leurs relations, qui débute par une recherche de partenaires en ligne, suivi d’une première rencontre où l’arrangement est négocié. Le deuxième rendez-vous est consacré à vérifier leur compatibilité sexuelle. Si celle-ci est concluante, l’arrangement se poursuit. Leur expérience est ponctuée de divers risques de victimisation : sexuels, économiques, psychologiques, physiques et secondaires. Afin de mieux cerner la complexité du sugar dating, nous proposons une réflexion qui s’articule autour de quatre axes : interdépendances, dynamique de pouvoir, normes et authenticité. / The positive portrayal of sugar dating on social media raises concerns: many women might be drawn to it with expectations that don’t align with reality. Nonetheless, the stigma attached to this practice often prompts them to conceal their activities, heightening their vulnerability to victimization and making the study of this population challenging. Faced with this challenge, researchers have delved into the analysis of dating websites. Yet, their approaches are frequently superficial, limited to profiling or categorizing arrangements. Despite a few exploratory studies, the experience of sugar babies remains under-researched, and many facets are still unknown. In this context, this thesis seeks to deepen the understanding of sugar babies’ experiences in the world of sugar dating. Guided by a feminist criminology perspective, this study assumes that the gender system influences partner choice and the dynamics of these relationships. Employing a qualitative approach, we aim to understand their motivations, the evolution of their relationships, and their experiences with victimization. To circumvent recruitment challenges, we conducted a content analysis of 381 discussion threads and their 3,978 comments from a popular forum using Krippendorff’s systematic method. Indeed, given the stigma, online forums have emerged as spaces where sugar babies discuss their experiences, share advice, and seek support. This allowed us to tap into their subjective experiences, offering a comprehensive and nuanced exploration of their realities. Their testimonies reveal a range of motivations: financial, mentoring, relational, and thrills. They also describe the progression of their relationships, starting with an online partner search, followed by an initial meeting where the arrangement is negotiated. The second meeting is dedicated to verifying sexual compatibility. If so, the arrangement continues. Their experience is marked by various victimization risks: sexual, economic, psychological, physical, and secondary. To better grasp the subtleties of sugar dating, we propose a reflection centred around four axes: interdependencies, power dynamics, norms, and authenticity.

Conflicts have been present in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) for many decades. The demand for the country's natural resources in combination with unstable state power and the presence of armed groups are the reasons why sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) has continued to petrify the local communities. It is used as a systematic weapon to terrorize, humiliate, and intimidate civilians and to destroy communities and families. The aim of this study is thus to investigate the conditions for reproduction of SGBV in DRC as well as its individual and structural consequences. The results of this literature study are analyzed based on the following theoretical approaches: doing gender, toxic masculinity and “the established and the outsiders”. The study, with an integrative approach, shows that there are numerous consequences both for the women and the society, including for example fistulas, gunshot wounds, death, anxiety, depression, rejection, and stigmatization. The results also show that the efficiency depends, among other things, on how culturally integrated the sexual violence is and that it is allowed to reproduce due to gender norms. The violence has unifying effects on members of the armed groups where hypermasculine characteristics are rewarded. Overall, it can be stated that the situation is complex and SGBV is a destructive element in the conflict. The violence is a consequence of prevailing structures while contributing to their maintenance. The study therefore contributes with knowledge about the driving factors behind sexual violence in war and shows the importance of gender norms in its reproduction. / I östra Demokratiska republiken Kongo (DRK) har konflikter varit närvarande i många decennier. Konflikten om landets naturresurser, i kombination med en instabil statsmakt och närvaron av beväpnade grupper är anledningen till att användandet av sexuellt våld fortsatt lamslå lokalsamhällen. Det används som ett systematiskt vapen för att terrorisera, förödmjuka och skrämma civila och för att splittra samhällen och familjer. Syftet med studien är att förstå och förklara vilka faktorer som reproducerar brukandet av sexuellt våld som ett vapen i krig samt dess individuella och strukturella konsekvenser. Detta görs genom en litteraturstudie och resultaten analyseras utifrån följande teoretiska begrepp: att göra kön, toxisk maskulinitet samt etablerade och outsiders. Litteraturstudien, som har ett integrativt förhållningssätt, visar att det finns många konsekvenser både för kvinnor och samhället: fistlar, skottskador, död, ångest, depression, exkludering och stigmatisering är några exempel. Resultaten visar också att effektiviteten bland annat beror på att det sexuella våldet är djupt rotat i kulturen i DRK och reproduceras av rådande könsnormer. Våldet har förenande effekter på medlemmar av de beväpnade grupperna där hypermaskulina egenskaper premieras. Sammantaget kan det konstateras att situationen är komplex och det sexuella våldet är ett mycket destruktivt inslag i konflikten. Våldet är en konsekvens av rådande strukturer samtidigt som det bidrar till upprätthållandet av dem. Studien bidrar därför med kunskap om de drivande faktorerna bakom sexuellt våld i krig samt visar på könsnormers betydelse för reproduktionen av det.

This thesis examines how women's participation in peace negotiations impacts the gender inclusivity of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, and Colombia. It explores whether higher degrees of women's involvement led to more gender-inclusive TRCs, hypothesising that increased participation results in better integration of gender considerations. Using secondary data and primary interviews from Colombia, the study highlights political pressure as a key causal mechanism. Findings reveal that in Côte d'Ivoire, significant grassroots activism by women without formal negotiation roles led to moderate gender inclusivity in the TRC. In Liberia, limited formal participation in peace negotiations, combined with strong grassroots advocacy and post-conflict decision-making roles for women, resulted in a highly gender-inclusive TRC. In Colombia, women's formal involvement in peace negotiations, alongside continuous advocacy by women’s organisations, led to over 100 gender-specific provisions in the peace agreement, fostering a robust gender-inclusive TRC. These results partially support the hypothesis, showing that higher women's participation generally leads to more gender-inclusive TRCs. The research underscores the importance of institutionalising gender perspectives, leveraging political pressure, and ensuring international support to achieve inclusive and sustainable peace processes. It offers practical insights for enhancing gender inclusivity in transitional justice mechanisms like TRCs.

Over the last few decades, Asian migrants who work in the sex industry have become the frequent target of police, government, and social service investigations. Indeed, a range of state and nongovernmental organizations have promoted punitive investigations and carceral policies, claiming to act to protect migrants from being trafficked. However, sex workers, sex workers’ rights activists, and critical antitrafficking scholars argue that rather than providing protection, this increased focus on Asian migrants actively produces myriad harms and has negatively impacted these workers’ lives by endangering their health and safety, increasing stigma and vulnerability to abuse and exploitation, and violating their human rights. To date, there is limited research on how the investigations claiming to protect migrant sex workers often turn into criminal, immigration, or bylaw investigations against them. This doctoral study aims to contribute to this small but growing body of knowledge. Informed by critical social work, institutional ethnography, and participatory action research, this project maps how the illegality of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who work in massage parlours, is constructed and produced. First-person narratives of Asian women have provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study shows how racism, whorephobia, and xenophobia have been embedded in both the laws and policies that coordinate sex and massage work and the way investigations into regulated and unregulated massage parlours have been organized in Toronto, Ontario. This finding helps us understand the ruling relations between law enforcement and the workers, and how the laws, policies, and practices that are intended to protect women who are purportedly “trafficked” instead criminalize and harm Asian migrant workers. This research also shows the autonomy and resiliency of Asian migrant massage and sex workers, revealing how they organize against and resist this injustice. The knowledge developed from this project has been used by sex worker communities in their ongoing efforts to challenge the dominant ideologies and discourses about sex workers and human trafficking. Further, it has contributed to their capacity to investigate institutional processes and, in turn, foster and create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation also offers important contributions to critical scholarship, including critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship. / Thesis / Candidate in Philosophy / This research examines how the laws and policies, particularly municipal bylaws, that claim to protect Asian and migrant massage and sex workers are actually harming them and putting them in danger. The experiences of Asian migrant sex workers, particularly those who worked in massage parlours, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, provided the threads (including the texts, actions, and institutions) for further investigation of how their experiences are shaped and how investigations against them are organized. This study examines how the workers’ illegality is constructed and produced to coordinate the ruling relationship between the workers and law enforcement. With a focus on antitrafficking organizations (particularly those related to carceral feminism and social work), this study maps out how whorephobic, xenophobic, and racist antitrafficking discourses have become embedded in institutional discourses and into the laws and policies that regulate investigations into sex work and massage parlours. However, Asian migrant workers are not simply victims of these laws. This study also reveals the autonomy and resiliency of Asian women and how they are organizing to challenge the dominant discourse about massage work, sex workers, and human trafficking to create progressive institutional and policy change. This dissertation makes important contributions to critical human trafficking studies, abolitionism, and activist scholarship.

No description available.

Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The human security concept challenges the traditional view of state security. The very essence of human security means to respect human rights. The Commission on Human Security did not focus on women as a special area of concern in the 1994 Human Development Report. The report does not recognise that being subject to gender hierarchies increases women’s insecurity and that women experience human security differently from men and shows that the human security concept does not include gender based violence (GBV) because there is no specific attention paid to issues that predominantly pertain to women. This study is conducted from a feminist perspective. It is reflexive research and based on standpoint theory. The data is gathered through analysis of secondary data and primary data, collected through interviews. GBV in South Africa tends to be continuous and the perpetrator is most likely to be a spouse or partner. Studies show that women are seen as being dependent on and weaker than men. Many men view women’s rights legislation as a challenge to the legitimacy of men’s authority over women. Women who try to be more independent in their relationships are regarded as threats and violence against them becomes a way for men to show control. The criminal justice system in South Africa has made progress in protecting women from GBV but myths, stereotypes and social conventions still prevent women from receiving justice. Traditionally, the state regards what happens in the private sphere as outside its responsibility. The public/private dichotomy challenges state regulations and norms which is evident in the case of domestic violence. It is often argued that GBV has remained imperceptible because it takes place in the private sphere. However, this research indicates that due to the socio-economic situation in South Africa, the abuse is often publicly known by those in the immediate environment as people live in informal housing. This research shows that a human security framework that targets GBV has to be developed for those who bear its consequences. When women are not viewed as subjects, issues that mainly affect them remain invisible. It is necessary that analysis of human insecurity starts from the conditions of women’s lives. Many women in South Africa live highly traumatic lives. Fighting GBV requires that we know the victims of GBV and let them decide what they need to feel secure. Creating human security requires that other threats which contribute to GBV, such as poverty, gender stereotypes and prejudice are also addressed. GBV has become an epidemic in South Africa and is a permanent constraint in women’s lives and impacts society as a whole. The security of the state rest on the security of women and as long as the state fails to treat GBV as a serious crime and protect women the state is more likely to use violence on a larger scale against its citizens. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Menslike Veiligheidskonsept daag die tradisionele siening van staatsveiligheid uit: die kerbetekenis van Menslike Veiligheid is om menseregte te respekteer. Die Kommissie op Menslike Veiligheid het nie op vroue as ‘n spesiale area van kommer gefokus in die Menslike Ontwikkelingsverslag van 1994 nie. Die verslag het daarin gefaal om te erken dat die realiteit van geslags-hiërargieë vroue se insekuriteit verhoog, en dat die ervaring van menslike sekuriteit van mans en vroue verskil. Hierdie navorsing sal toon dat die menslike veiligheidsbegrip nie in staat is om geslags-gebaseerde geweld (GGG) in ag te neem nie, aangesien daar geen spesifieke aandag verleen is aan vraagstukke wat hoofsaaklik op vroue betrekking het nie. Hierdie studie is vanuit 'n feministiese perspektief gedoen. Die navorsing is reflektief en op standpunt-teorie gebaseer. Die data is deur die analise van sekondêre data, asook die gebruik van primêre data i deur middel van onderhoude ingesamel . GGG in Suid-Afrika is geneig om oor ‘n uitgerekte tydperk plaas te vind en die mees waarskynlike oortreders is ‘n eggenoot of lewensmaat. Navorsing toon dat gemeenskappe geneig is om vroue as swakker en afhanlik van mans te sien. Wetgewing op die regte van vroue word deur vele mans as ‘n uidaging van hul legitieme superioriteit, ten op sigte van vroue, gesien. Vroue wat dus onafhanklikheid in hul verhoudings probeer uitoefen, word as bedreigings gesien en geweld word gebruik om hulle “in hul plek te hou”. Die Suid-Afrikaanse kriminele regstelsel het al vordering gemaak in terme van die beskerming van vroue teen GGG, maar mites, stereotipes en sosiale konvensies belemmer steeds die volle gang van die gereg. Die staat het in die verlede die private sfeer as buite sy jurisdiksie gesien. Die openbare/private sfeer digotomie bied uitdagings vir staatsregulering en vir die implementering van regulasies , en dit word veral duidelik in die geval van huishoudelike geweld. Daar word aangevoer dat aangesien GGG in die private sfeer plaasvind, dit onsigbaar bly. Hierdie navorsing het egter bevind dat GGG in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks dikwels in die openbare gemeenskapsfeer (deur diegene in die onmiddelike omgewing) opgemerk word, omdat baie mense in Suid-Afrika informele nedersettings woon.Hierdie navorsing het verder bevind dat ‘n GGG raamwerk vir menslike veiligheid ontwikkel moet word wat diegene wat die gevolge van GGG dra insluit. Indien vroue nie spesifiek as navorsingssubjekte geag word nie, bly faktore wat hulle spesifiek beïnvloed onsigbaar. Dit is belangrik dat analise van menslike insekuriteit begin om die omstandighede van vrouens se lewens in ag te neem. Vroue in Suid-Afrika leef in hoogs traumatiese omstandighede. In die bestryding van GGG is dit belangrik dat die slagoffers van GGG in ag geneem word en dat dit hulle toelaat om dit duidelik te maak wat hulle onveilig laat voel. Die skep van menslike veiligheid vereis dat bedreigings wat bydra tot GGG, naamlik armoede, geslagstereotipes en vooroordeel , ook aangespreek word. GGG in Suid-Afrika het ‘n epidemie geword, en plaas ‘n permanente beperking op vroue se lewens. Dit het ook ‘n blywende impak op die samelewing as ‘n geheel. Die veiligheid van die staat rus op die veiligheid van vroue. Solank as wat die staat versuim om GGG te bekamp en as ‘n ernstigge misdaad te erken, en vroue nie die beskerming van die staat geniet nie, is daar ‘n hoër moontlikheid vir die gebruik van geweld deur die staat teen sy eie burgers op ‘n groter skaal.