À l'occasion de l'élargissement de l'Union européenne à dix pays en 2004, il s'est avéré nécessaire d'approfondir le dialogue interculturel entre les pays membres. Les instituts culturels nationaux à l’étranger font partie des structures étatiques susceptibles de porter ce dialogue. En effet, présentant la culture de leur pays à l’extérieur de leurs frontières, ces institutions se prêtent – et c’est là leur spécificité et l’une de leur raison d’être – à la rencontre et l’échange direct entre des représentants de différentes cultures. Cependant les critiques à l’encontre de ces institutions ne manquent pas à l’aube du vingt et unième siècle. La Pologne, la Slovaquie, la République tchèque et la Hongrie ont fait le choix, après la remise en cause du principe même d'une politique culturelle étrangère au début des années 1990, de conserver les instituts culturels qu’ils avaient dans les capitales française et allemande et, le cas échéant, d’en créer. Dans quelle mesure les instituts culturels polonais, slovaques, tchèques et hongrois à Paris et à Berlin s’attachent-ils, dans les années précédant et suivant l’entrée de leur pays dans l’Union européenne, à se positionner comme lieu de dialogue interculturel – ce qui leur permettrait de jour un rôle moteur dans le processus d'intégration européenne ? L’analyse repose sur une étude empirique jusqu’alors non existante des objectifs, de la mise en œuvre et de la réception par le public de la programmation de ces institutions entre 2000 et 2008. À partir des résultats, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexion sur l'orientation future de ces institutions. / The enlargement of the European Union to include an additional ten countries in 2004 required a deepening of the intercultural dialogue among member states. National cultural institutes abroad are part of the public structures able to carry up this dialogue. Presenting abroad the culture of their country, these institutions are indeed well suited – it is their specificity and essential purpose – for encounter and direct exchange between representatives of various cultures. Nonetheless, these institutions face many critics in the early 21st century. After questioning the principle of a foreign cultural policy itself in the early 1990’s, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic and Hungary have chosen to keep the cultural institutes they had in the French and German capitals and, if needed, to create some more. To what extent did Polish, Slovak, Czech and Hungarian cultural institutes in Paris and Berlin, position themselves as a place of intercultural dialogue in the years preceding and following the accession of these countries to the European Union, thus allowing them to be a driving force in the European integration process? The analysis relies on a previously unavailable empirical study of objectives, implementation and reception by the audience of the program of these institutions between 2000 and 2008. Building on the results, this work suggests lines of enquiry regarding the future orientation of these institutions.

The aim of the thesis is to estimate the cost efficiency of the banks from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia during 2008-2013 using stochastic frontier analysis. In addition to this, mutual relationships between the changes in banks' cost efficiency, risk- taking, and capital position are examined. First, the literature that is concerned with these relationships is reviewed and the stochastic frontier approach towards the efficiency estimation is outlined. In the empirical analysis, the cost efficiency of the banks from the aforementioned countries is estimated. The results suggest that the Czech and the Polish banks from the sample have the highest average cost efficiency while the Hungarian banks rank the lowest. The estimated efficiency is decreasing during the sample period. No conclusive results are found to support the hypothesis that the larger banks exhibit higher cost efficiency. Subsequently, the system of simultaneous equations is applied to test the mutual relationships between the changes in the banks' cost efficiency, risk-taking, and capital position. The results suggest a negative relationship between the changes in risk-taking and cost efficiency and between the changes in capital position and risk-taking of the banks. Moreover, the results do not indicate simultaneous...

UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky Ondřej Šafář Odraz národních povstání v NDR, Polsku a Maďarsku v letech 1953-1956 v soudobém československém tisku se zaměřením na deníky Rudé právo a Mladá fronta Diplomová práce Praha 2016 Abstract The thesis "Reflection of national uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary in the years 1953-1956 in contemporary press in Czechoslovakia, focusing the study on daily newspapers Rude právo and Mladá fronta" concentrates on the way, how the media reflected uprisings that took place in the 50s in neighbouring countries under the Soviet sphere of influence. The thesis describes the political development in Czechoslovakia from the end of World War II until 1956. The thesis also describes the development, structure and governance of the Czechoslovakia media in this period of time, including the history of the monitored dailies Rudé právo and Mladá fronta. The thesis also focuses on the background and the process of the three uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary. Following part introduces basic theoretical concepts (including ideology, propaganda, hegemony and discourse) as a background for the practical part, which is a qualitative research of journals Rudé právo and Mladá fronta at selected periods of time...

Diploma thesis deals with the development of external economic balance (particularly balance of payments) of Visegrad Countries in the years 2008-2010. The first chapter introduces the theory of the external economic balance. The second chapter describes the development of balance of payments of of Visegrad Countries in the years 2008-2010, common elements and differences between particular countries, basic trends, and the development during the given period of time.

La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérente. / France, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent.

The first chapter explains the basic geopolitical factors of the Czech Republic and Hungary. The economic progress of both countries during the socialism period will be discussed in the second chapter. The transformation of Hungary and the Czech Republic from the centreally planned economy to the trade economy will be the focus of the third and fourth chapter. After joining the European Union in 2004, both countries have experienced many changes in the bilateral trade in regards to each other, which will be the topic for the following chapters. Both the Pre-EU- as well as the Post-EU periods will be examined in these passages, followed by an analysis of the Mutual Trade Services since 2004. The last element of this project will describe the most significant projects and investments between Czech Republic and Hungary and the organisations supporting the mutual development of business and cultural relations.

La Hongrie est membre de l’Union Européenne depuis le premier mai 2004. Après les premières élections libres du printemps 1990, les gouvernements successifs ont entamé et mené à bien les préparatifs d’adhésion en se conformant aux critères de Copenhague de 1993. Le propos de cette thèse est d’examiner les transformations politiques, économiques et sociales sur une longue période [1990-2009] afin de mettre en évidence la complexité des relations entre l’intégration européenne et une démocratie moins stable qu’on ne le pensait, d’autant que la question rom révèle non seulement la persistance, mais encore la prospérité d’idées nationalistes et racistes. / Hungary has been a member of the European Union since May 1st, 2004. After the first free elections in spring 1990, governments began and achieved the entry process to the European Union following the 1993 Copenhagen criteria. This thesis aims to examine the political, economical and social transformations in the scope of a long era [from 1990 to 2009] in order to show the complexity of the relations pertaining to the European integration and a less stable democracy than one thought, especially since the Roma question reveals not only persisting but also flourishing nationalistic and racist ideologies.

The current study addressed whether there were differences in relational aggression in 9- to 10-year-old boys and girls in Hungarian and German samples. There has been very little empirical research conducted comparing children of diverse cultures in their use of relational aggression. The current study used teachers’ reports of different aggression styles observed in their 9- to 10-year-old students (N = 269). The purpose of this study was to examine the incidence and styles of aggression used in a 9- to 10-year-old culturally diverse population, as it was hypothesized that culture would be a factor in the incidence of relational aggression as well as a difference in boys’ verses girls’ relational aggression within native Hungarian cultures. Data were collected from classroom teachers using the Children’s Social Behavior Scale – Teacher Form (Crick, 1996). Six sets of analyses were conducted, including the evaluation of teacher reports of relational aggression among all 160 Hungarian and all 109 German students, the evaluation of teacher reports of physical aggression among Hungarian and German students, the evaluation of teacher reports of prosocial behavior among Hungarian and German students, the evaluation of teacher reports of relational aggression among Hungarian boys and girls, the evaluation of teacher reports of physical aggression among Hungarian boys and girls, and the evaluation of teacher reports of prosocial behavior among Hungarian boys and girls. Results confirmed 2 out of 2 hypotheses. Teachers reported greater incidence of relational and physical aggression among German students. Teachers reported a greater incidence of prosocial behavior among Hungarian students. Hungarian teachers reported a greater incidence of physical aggression among boys and a greater incidence of prosocial behavior among girls. This research failed to find any differences in Hungarian boys’ and girls’ use of relational aggression in this sample. Overall, the current findings support that cultural differences exist in relational aggression, physical aggression, and prosocial behavior among a 9- to 10-year-olds. It also supported the position that gender differences exist in the use of physical aggression and prosocial behavior among a native Hungarian sample.

In this study, administrative reform in the EU accession process was analysed with reference to the cases of Hungary and Turkey. The main goal of this study is to show that both objective (economy) and subjective (politics) factors are important and acceding countries to have room to manoeuvre in the context of the social-liberal framework of the EU. To this end, necessary causality between neoliberal administrative reform and EU accession, and determinism in the enlargement process, which leaves no room to manoeuvre for candidate countries, are denied. In conclusion, it is seen that since there is no public administration model, candidate countries are free to determine the content of the administrative reforms within the framework of general principles set by the EU. Moreover, it is found that the EU accession process is closely related to modernisation of the public administration system in the candidate countries and administrative reform has been overlapped and equalized to EU accession. Finally, it is understood that administrative reform with its extensive content, caused centralisation.

Hans von Aachen, court artist to the Habsburg Holy Roman Emperor Rudolf II in Prague, created a series of small painting called the Allegories on the Long Turkish War. Von Aachen made the Allegories between 1604 and 1606 and Rudolf II kept them bound in a red book in his Kunstkammer. This series selects events and battles from the Long War against the Ottoman Empire, 1593-1606, to create a flattering propagandistic image of the emperor in order to strengthen his support. Rudolf’s brother, Archduke Matthias of Austria, began plotting against the emperor beginning in 1600. By 1606 he was actively usurping Rudolf’s political power. I examine von Aachen’s visual description of imperial power, the alternate history the Allegories present, and the ways they engage with Neo-Platonic theories to convey validity to viewers. In my thesis, I outline the events of the Long War in order to compare them to von Aachen’s portrayals and to understand how he restructures chronological history to convey his message about Rudolf’s rulership. I briefly analyze each painting but I focus primarily on the eighth scene, the Conquest of Székesfehérvár. Sultan Mehmed III sits opposite Rudolf II in dignified defeat in this painting. I investigate the visual treatment of the sultan through the historical interactions between the Ottoman and Holy Roman Empires and propose the political function served by depicting him as a noble enemy. I finally discuss the way von Aachen uses symbols and allegory to convey a potent message and convince the viewer of its validity. Ultimately, these works should be seen as political propaganda used to combat Rudolf’s brother Archduke Matthias’ political takeover and not as Rudolf’s fantastical escapism from his losing battle against his brother. / text