A Constituição Federal de 1988 assegura a saúde como direito de todos e dever do Estado. Entretanto, tal direito não vem sendo garantido na prática. A partir da constatação dessa contradição, alguns grupos da Sociedade Civil têm buscado na Justiça a materialização de seus direitos até então abstratos. A recente inserção do Poder Judiciário no campo da saúde pode ser percebida como uma forma de judicialização da política. O termo, entretanto, carece de uma definição mais clara, que permita identificar mais precisamente a profundidade deste fenômeno no Brasil. Na análise da judicialização, é possível perceber duas correntes de pensamento distintas: uma que vê no ativismo político do judiciário um empecilho para o desenvolvimento da cidadania, ou seja, uma forma de acirrar as assimetrias sociais, e outra que atribui a este fenômeno uma forma de ampliação da própria cidadania. O campo da saúde brasileiro tem indícios para subsidiar ambos os argumentos. Para tanto, deve-se analisar a judicialização sob dois enfoques: o individual e o coletivo. Cada uma dessas perspectivas enseja formas de atuação distintas e sujeitos diferenciados. Assim, a judicialização da saúde, inicialmente requerida de forma individual e restrita à primeira instância do Judiciário, acabou ganhando novos contornos e exigindo um debate mais profundo, inclusive com a entrada da instância máxima deste poder: o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Esta inserção ganhou maior relevância a partir da convocação de uma Audiência Pública para discussão dos rumos da judicialização da saúde no Brasil. Esta Audiência foi exemplar, pois reuniu os principais interessados ou na continuação deste fenômeno ou em sua restrição. Além disso, ressalta-se a importância que as Ações Diretas de Inconstitucionalidade (Adins) vêm ganhando na definição dos rumos das políticas de saúde no Brasil. Deve-se enfatizar que a abertura presente nos textos legais da Lei 8080/90 e da EC29 tem propiciado muitas das ações no STF votadas para a área da saúde. Tais ações demandam desta instituição o preenchimento das lacunas legais existentes. É possível perceber que muitas Adins ajuizadas no STF têm como pressuposto algum conflito federativo, sobretudo devido ao formato concorrente de maior parte das políticas sociais brasileiras. Neste sentido, discutir a judicialização à luz dos conflitos federativos constitui uma forma de ampliação e qualificação do debate. A metodologia adotada na presente tese baseou-se na análise das falas públicas realizadas durante a Audiência Pública da Saúde e do estudo de caso de quatro Adins selecionadas / The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 assures that health is a right of all and a duty of the State (article 196), however, in reality, this right is not being guaranteed. By realizing this contradiction, some civil groups seek, on the Legislation, the materialization of their rights that still remain an abstraction. The recent insertion of Judicial Power on health issues can be interpreted as a means of politics Judicialization. The term, however, lacks a clearer definition that would allow a proper identification of this phenomenas depth in Brazil. In the analysis of this process two different trends of thought can be perceived, one that sees political activism on the part of the judiciary as a problem to the development of citizenships, or in other words, a means of enhancing social asymmetries; and another that sees this phenomena as a way of expanding these rights. Health issues in Brazil can sustain both arguments. Because of that, the Judicialization process must be analyzed by two approaches: the individual and the collective. Each perspective mobilizes diverse actions and actors. Thus, health Judicialization, at first individually required and restricted to the judiciarys first instance, gained new features and demanded a more complex debate, engaging this powers maximum instance: the Supreme Federal Court. This process became more relevant since the convocation of a Public Audience aiming to discuss the future of health Judicialization in Brazil. This Audience was exemplary, since it counted with the presence of the main actors both in favor of this phenomenas continuation and those against it. Furthermore, the importance of the Direct Lawsuit of Constitutional Judicial Review (abbreviated as Adins) is highlighted in the definition of decisions about health policies in Brazil. Its important to emphasize a breach on the juridical texts of Law 8080/90 and EC29 that helps many actions on the Supreme Federal Court voted in favor of health issues. Such actions demand this institution to fill in the existing legal breaches. Many Adins filed on the Supreme Federal Court presume some federal conflict, especially considering the concurrent format of most Brazilian social policies. In this sense, discussing Judicialization in the light of federative conflicts is a way of broadening and qualifying this debate. This thesis adopts the methodology based on the analysis of public speeches that took place during the Health Public Audience and the case study of four selected Adins

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ivelise Fonseca da Cruz.pdf: 1790533 bytes, checksum: f41f1234dec41e9746cd6ec1be146ccc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-17 / The vast growth of economic liberalism and is necessary to emphasize the man as the center of things, realizing their human dignity through the integral humanism. The incentive of love of neighbor and the exaltation of the fraternity, to compose the relationships and social laws result, then, the preservation and promotion of human health. The strengthening of the brotherhood of the thesis occurs when the clear identification of responsibility of the state, community, society, all in the preservation of fundamental human rights, encouraging the essentiality of the information, exercise and promote the right to food security, opportunity to promote awareness and increasing knowledge of the development of food products from the most diverse. Once the proper identification of obesity as a crop for human rights abuse, is with the literature review that this research aims to clarify the issues that compromise the full experience of human health. And finally, in a positive way, it was pointed out guiding paradigms that help as steps in human progress, in order to facilitate the search for the right to happiness for all in all, for everyone / O amplo crescimento do liberalismo econômico e necessário tem de realçar o homem como centro das coisas, concretizando sua dignidade humana através do humanismo integral. O incentivo do amor ao próximo e a exaltação da fraternidade, ao comporem as relações legislativas e sociais resultam, então, na preservação e promoção da saúde do homem. O reforço da tese da fraternidade ocorre quando da clara identificação da responsabilidade do Estado, da comunidade, da sociedade, de todos na preservação dos direitos fundamentais do homem, no incentivo à essencialidade da informação, no exercício e promoção do direito à segurança alimentar, na possibilidade de se promover a consciência e o crescente conhecimento do desenvolvimento de produtos alimentícios dos mais diversos. Feita a adequada identificação da obesidade como um recorte indevido aos direitos humanos, é com o levantamento bibliográfico realizado que esta pesquisa pretende explicitar as problemáticas que comprometem a vivência plena da saúde humana. E, ao final, de maneira propositiva, apontam-se paradigmas orientadores, que auxiliam como degraus no progresso humano, com o intuito de facilitar a busca pelo direito de felicidade de todos em tudo, para todos

<p>Particle pollution in South Korea has become a matter of significant public concern, culminating in its declaration as a “social disaster” through a government proclamation in 2019. This study shows how the existing interventions to tackle particle pollution in South Korea as a “social disaster” contribute to maintaining the status quo, paradoxically. The study attempts to interpret pollution as entanglements, relations, and processes by addressing the discussions and politics surrounding particle pollution, the interventions to tackle it, and what they presuppose and exclude via multi-sited ethnography.</p> <p>What narratives form the bedrock of the current discourses and politics around particle pollution in South Korea? What kinds of population, knowledge systems, values, and interests are incorporated and excluded around particulate matter in Korea? Drawing upon four months of fieldwork, interviews, and collaborative work with residents, scientists, and activists in South Korea, this thesis offers a new understanding of how citizens’ experiences and knowledge practices have reshaped the concepts of pollution, toxicity, and health. The study indicates that the existing practices and knowledge vis-à-vis pollution control have individualized pollution by presuming particular ways of normalcy and excluding others. In doing so, this study captures the multiplicity of particle pollution and shows the existence and stories of different bodies living with/in pollution.</p> <p>Drawing on the literature in feminist science and technology studies as well as medical and environmental anthropology scholarship, this study problematizes harm reduction-based environmental and health intervention practices by describing the current individualized particle pollution responses. The research reveals how people in Korea living with/in particulate matter have perceived, datafied, defined, adjusted, and responded to particle pollution and its toxicity. The study suggests that pollution should be envisaged as entanglements and relations by shedding light on the stories that particulate matter has been perceived, coordinated, and generated in various ways. Lastly, indicating that the knowledge and interventions surrounding particle pollution have exploited and flattened the environment based on the human–nature dichotomy, the study suggests different ways of conceptualizing pollution, while considering the multiplicity of pollution, toxicities, and bodies.</p>

Within the Surinamese jurisdiction the Constitution grants women the right to health and imposes a legal duty on the state to facilitate the realization of this right. Also treaty law, in particular, the ICESCR article 12 and the CEDAW article 12 grant women the right to the highest attainable standard of health and the right to non-discriminatory access to healthcare. But due to the criminal law applicable to abortion women lack non-discriminatory access to reproductive healthcare and therefore do not enjoy the highest attainable standard of pregnancy related health. Despite its decision not to enforce the abortion prohibiting criminal laws, Suriname remains in a state of failure to comply with its legal duties as imposed by the Constitution and treaty law. This, due to the state’s reluctance to repeal the criminal laws on abortion and its failure to enact effective health regulations to facilitate women in need of an abortion.

Within the Surinamese jurisdiction the Constitution grants women the right to health and imposes a legal duty on the state to facilitate the realization of this right. Also treaty law, in particular, the ICESCR article 12 and the CEDAW article 12 grant women the right to the highest attainable standard of health and the right to non-discriminatory access to healthcare. But due to the criminal law applicable to abortion women lack non-discriminatory access to reproductive healthcare and therefore do not enjoy the highest attainable standard of pregnancy related health. Despite its decision not to enforce the abortion prohibiting criminal laws, Suriname remains in a state of failure to comply with its legal duties as imposed by the Constitution and treaty law. This, due to the state’s reluctance to repeal the criminal laws on abortion and its failure to enact effective health regulations to facilitate women in need of an abortion.