Este trabalho investiga a concepção de História do filósofo setentrista italiano Giambattista Vico. Ele baseia-se na leitura da principal obra de Vico, Scienza Nuova (1744), assim como na leitura de três outros livros do autor: Autobiografia, Il Metodo Degli Studi Del Tempo Nostro e Dell Antichissima Sapienza Italica. Nosso objetivo é descobrir e descrever o que Vico chamou de Historia Ideal Eterna, uma concepção renovada da História Humana. / This work investigates the Eighteenth Century Italian philosopher Giambattista Vicos conception of History. It is based on a reading of Vicos main work Scienza Nuova (1744), supported by a reading of three other books from the author: Autobiografia, Il Metodo Degli Studi Del Tempo Nostro and Dell Antichissima Sapienza Italica. Our aim is to discover and also describe what Vico called Ideal Eternal History, a renewed conception of Human History.

Une nation est toujours fondée sur des mythes. Aux États-Unis, le président est le « conteur-en-chef » de ces récits sacrés qui ont pour fonction de donner du sens à l’existence de la communauté nationale. Cette thèse propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure la rupture dans l’imaginaire collectif que représente la fin de la guerre froide a engendré une nouvelle rhétorique de la mythologie nationale dans les discours présidentiels. Pour cela, nous nous appuierons sur l’étude de métaphores qui, comme l’ont démontré l’analyse critique du discours et la linguistique cognitive, nous informe sur les croyances collectives d’une société. Dans une première partie, nous nous focaliserons sur les mythes de la vertu et du bien, plus particulièrement sur le langage religieux qui s’est développé dans la période post-guerre froide, et sur la valeur de liberté qui demeure fondatrice de l’identité américaine, mais dont la définition évolue et souligne davantage le libre arbitre de l’individu par opposition au destin manifeste collectif fondé sur la prédestination calviniste. Ces mythes de vertu servent de justification morale à une rhétorique de la puissance et de la force qui fera l’objet de notre analyse dans notre seconde partie. Nous montrerons combien la permanence du récit de guerre et les nombreuses métaphores guerrières rendent compte d’un système de représentation du monde qui donne une signification mythique à la violence. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous verrons que seul le récit héroïque illustre l’alliance de la puissance et de la vertu et constitue finalement la trame narrative essentielle du mythe national de l’ère post-guerre froide. Nous conclurons sur la proposition que, si la fin de la guerre froide a favorisé le développement du mythe héroïque dans les discours présidentiels, celui-ci est enraciné dans la rhétorique de Ronald Reagan qui représente le point de rupture le plus significatif dans la production de la mythologie nationale récente ainsi que le point de départ de tout un cycle idéologique et politique. / Nations are based on myths, and in the United States, it is the president who is the “storyteller-in-chief” of those sacred stories whose function is to give sense to the existence of the national community. This dissertation offers to examine to what extent the end of the Cold War, which represents a breaking point in the mental representation of the nation, has produced a new discourse in national mythology in presidential speeches. Our research will focus more specifically on the notion that metaphors inform us on the shared beliefs of a given society as cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis have largely demonstrated. In our first part, we will concentrate on the myths of virtue and good, and more particularly on the use of religious language which has greatly increased over the period, and on the value of “freedom” that has remained the founding value of the American identity but whose definition has evolved to underline the notion of free will of individuals as opposed to the collective Manifest Destiny rooted in Calvinistic predestination. These myths serve as moral justifications to the rhetoric of power and strength that will be the object of our second part. We will show how the steady presence of war narratives and war metaphors ascribe mythical meaning to violence. Finally, in our third part, we will see how only the heroic narrative illustrates the fusion of the myths of power and virtue and actually constitutes the essential narrative framework in post-Cold War presidential speeches. We will then conclude on the proposition that while the heroic myth may have been fostered by the end of the Cold War, it originated in the rhetoric of Ronald Reagan that might be the most significant breaking point and the beginning of an entire new ideological and political cycle.

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2004. / Advisor: Dr. Arthur A. Raney, Florida State University, College of Communication, Dept. of Communication. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 16, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.

From our earliest history, gifted women from Sappho and Harriet Tubman to Eleanor Roosevelt and Nadine Gordimer have enhanced our lives through their gifts and accomplishments. Since many of these gifted women have succeeded in the face of almost insurmountable obstacles, it is often assumed that all gifted women will be able to achieve without outside help. However, many gifted women do not realize their potential and end up squandering their gifts in menial tasks, underpaid jobs, and unfulfilled lives. Thus, career development for gifted women is an essential task.For women who possess a variety of talents, one of the best ways to be fulfilled is through the balancing of multiple roles, such as family and work. Consequently, one aspect of career development, which is of great importance to gifted women in particular, is the decision about whether to engage in multiple roles and how to do so successfully. Since juggling multiple roles requires prior planning and serious commitment, one of the best ways to assist gifted young women in these tasks is to gain information about how the decision was made and determine their level of commitment to it. As with many career decisions, knowledge about, and encouragement for, particular choices may depend upon mentors and role models.Mentors and role models can be invaluable but their impact in helping with preparation for a lifestyle involving multiple roles is unknown. To determine who their mentors and role models are and how they affect attitudes toward multiple roles, 101 gifted high school women completed a demographics question and the Attitudes Toward Multiple Role Planning scale (ATMRP). Data were analyzed via frequency counts, chisquare, and MANOVA procedures.Contrary to expectations, study participants did not have significantly more role models than they did mentors nor was any one group mentioned most often as mentors and role models. As anticipated, most gifted young women did plan to combine family and paid employment in their lives. However, no significant group differences on the A'TMRP were found between those with mentors and role models and those without. Conclusions and implications are discussed. / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Mainz, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 390-404).

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of English, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-63).

"A Master's paper submitted to the faculty of the School of Information and Library Science of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Library Science." / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Apr. 25, 2006). "May 2004." Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-47).

Thesis (M.A.)--Brigham Young University. Dept. of English, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 114-120).

La recopilación de testimonios que se llevó a cabo en el ámbito de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (2001-2003) suscitó dinámicas socioculturales inéditas en cuanto a la producción de historias locales sobre el conflicto interno. En este artículo nos centraremos primero en la actuación carnavalesca realizada en el distrito de Ocros, donde se escenificaron las masacres perpetradas por el PCP-Sendero Luminoso, así como en la consiguiente organización en rondas campesinas de los sobrevivientes. Más allá de la conmemoración de este episodio, ¿cómo entender la realización de esta performance y los objetivos que conlleva? ¿Qué muestran o qué silencian los actores con esta ‘escritura’ del pasado de violencia, necesariamente fragmentaria? Enfocándonos en las creaciones coreográficas y narrativas de la violencia, procuraremos entender los usos estratégicos a los que dan lugar. Finalmente, veremos de qué manera las distintas memorias se enfrentan y articulan entre sí para mostrar los mecanismos de legitimación y las lógicas diferentesde esas proyecciones públicas de la historia reciente. / The gathering of testimonials by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the aftermath of the armed conflict opposing the Sendero Luminoso guerrilla and the Peruvian state has led to original socio-cultural dynamics around the local histories of the war. This article will focus on a carnival performance carried out in the Andean district of Ocros (Prov. of Huamanga), staging the massacres committed by the Sendero Luminoso and the struggle of the peasant militias. Beyond the commemoration of this episode, what are the issues and the objectives that underlie the performance? What view is given and what is left in silence, unsaid, by the actors in this type of unavoidably fragmentary ‘writing’ of the history of violence? Analyzing both the choreographic and the narrative production concerning the war, we will address the strategic uses they give rise to. Finally, we will focus on the way in which different memories compete and articulate to one another, so as to determine the mechanisms of legitimation and the competitive logics at playin these public projections of recent history.

The nineteenth century in Spanish America exhibits a true saga of funeral ceremonies intended to exalt the role of great men in the configuration of the symbolic arsenal which contributed to molding the foundational mythology of nation-states. The Republican state language turned the association between hero, national body and posterity into a resource of the affirmation of national authority and social and political cohesion. Converted into keystones in the building of the national pantheon, State funerals carried out during the 19th century in the majority of the Spanish American republics became formidable instruments of political and cultural construction. Along these lines, the presen tarticle is occupied with contextualizing the slow process of placing José de San Martín as an Argentine national hero within the coordinates of 19th century European and Spanish American funerary rituals. / El siglo XIX hispanoamericano exhibe una verdadera saga de ceremoniales fúnebres destinados a enaltecer el papel de los grandes hombres en la configuración del arsenal simbólico que contribuía a moldear la mitología fundacional de los estados nacionales. El lenguaje estatal republicano hizo de la asociación entre héroe, cuerpo nacional y posteridad un recurso de afirmación de la autoridad nacional y de cohesión social y política.Convertidos en piezas angulares en la fabricación del panteón nacional, los funerales de Estado realizados a lo largo del siglo XIX en la mayoría de las repúblicas hispanoamericanas se convirtieron en instrumentos formidables de construcción políticay cultural. En esta línea, el presente artículose ocupa de contextualizar la dilatada empresa de colocación de José de San Martíncomo héroe nacional argentino en las coordenadas de los rituales funerarios del siglo XIX europeo e hispanoamericano.