[pt] Este trabalho examina lugares cotidianos para entender como demarcações são efetuadas, empregadas, alteradas e deslocadas na Bósnia-Herzegovina do pós-Dayton. Analisaremos aqui práticas de demarcação que podem ou não envolver delimitações geográficas e que foram reorganizadas pelo Acordo de Paz de Dayton de formas a lhes assegurarem um papel mais proeminente na vida sociopolítica da Bósnia e Herzegovina. Ao promover um esforço para conceituar fronteiras e demarcações, esta tese argumenta que estas são dependentes de práticas, o que lhes confere um status precário e indica que podem ser alteradas. Assim, elas podem ser reempregadas (no sentido de se desviar de um significado e receber um significado diferente); alteradas e deslocadas, mas também muito mais, como será exposto aqui: minimizadas, subvertidas, desdenhadas, mas também reforçadas, reafirmadas e celebradas. É, portanto, olhando para o cotidiano que este trabalho busca entender o(s) sentido(s) atribuído(s) a essas demarcações, sabendo, no entanto, que elas são permeadas de contradições e podem ser empregadas de maneiras diferentes por pessoas diferentes. O cotidiano, que geralmente recebe nossa desatenção diária, será considerado aqui uma categoria analítica relevante através da qual realizaremos essa pesquisa. Na verdade, o cotidiano não pode ser reduzido a práticas sem importância ou ao banal, como o mero resíduo do político. O cotidiano está, na verdade, profundamente relacionado com todas as atividades, e as engloba com todas as suas diferenças e conflito (Lefebvre, 1991:97) e, portanto, possibilita conexões e mediações entre categorias frequentemente apresentadas como dicotomias, como o público e o privado, o excepcional e a rotina (Lefebvre, 2008:16). É, portanto, no e através do cotidiano que essas tensões são negociadas, as disputas têm lugar e apropriações e até transformações são realizadas. Esta pesquisa foi realizada em Sarajevo e Mostar, duas das principais cidades da Bósnia-Herzegovina. Mais especificamente, esta pesquisa analisa lugares cotidianos dentro dessas cidades, como escolas, ruas, praças, cafés, estações de ônibus e shoppings, que muitas vezes atuam como a própria materialização dessas demarcações (etnonacionais, entre o local/internacionais) ou a arena na qual essas demarcações são reconfiguradas e deslocadas. Esta tese, portanto, proporciona um relato alternativo em relação a narrativas mais oficiais sobre divisões etnonacionais, bem como questiona as categorias local e internacional na Bósnia do pós-Dayton. / [en] This work looks at everyday places in order to understand how boundaries are enacted and re-employed, shifted and displaced in post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina. Post-Dayton boundaries correspond to practices of demarcation that may or may not entail geographic delimitations and that have been reorganized by the Dayton Peace Agreement in ways that have assured them a more prominent role in sociopolitical life in BiH. While engaging in an effort to conceptualize borders and boundaries, this thesis argues that boundaries are dependent on practices, which confers upon them a precarious status and indicates that they might be changed. Boundaries may thus be re-employed (in the sense of diverting its original meaning and employing a different one); shifted and displaced, but also much more, as it will be exposed here: crossed, minimized, subverted, dismissed, disdained, but also reinforced, reaffirmed and celebrated. It is thus looking at the everyday that this work makes sense of those boundaries, knowing, however, that they are permeated with contradictions and may be enacted in different ways by different people. The everyday, which usually receives our daily inattention, will be considered here a relevant analytical category through which undertake this research. Indeed, the everyday cannot be reduced to the unimportant or the banal, as mere residual or the remnants of the political. Rather, it is profoundly related to all activities, and encompasses them with all their differences and their conflicts; it is their meeting place, their bond, their common ground (Lefebvre, 1991: 97), and it thus provides for connection and mediation between categories often presented as dichotomies such as public and private, the exceptional and the routine (Lefebvre, 2008: 16). It is in and through the everyday that those tensions are played, the disputes are fought and appropriations and even transformation take place. The research was undertaken in Sarajevo and Mostar, two of the main cities in BiH. More specifically, this research looks at everyday places within these cities, such as schools, streets, squares, cafés, coach station and shopping malls, which might be enacted as the very (ethnonational, local/international) boundaries or the arena in which those boundaries are diverted and displaced. This thesis, therefore, provides for an alternative account to more official narratives about ethnonational divisions, as well as questions clear-cut distinctions between the local and the international in post-Dayton BiH.

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xvi, 360 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation is a comparative, ethnographic study of Southern Sudanese and Bosnian refugees and social service organizations in Fargo, North Dakota. I examine how refugee resettlement staff, welfare workers, and volunteers attempted to transform refugee clients into "worthy" citizens through neoliberal policies aimed at making them economically self-sufficient and independent from the state. Refugees' engagement with resettlement and welfare agencies and volunteers depended on their positioning in social hierarchies in their home countries and in the United States. Refugees had widely variable political, educational, cultural, and employment histories, but many had survived war and/or forced migration and had contact with many of the same institutions and employers. Bosnians in Fargo were either white, ethnic Muslims (Bosniaks), or Roma (Gypsies), who had a darker skin color and were stigmatized by Bosniaks. By interrogating intersections of race, class, gender, and culture, I explain why social service providers and the wider public deemed Bosnian Roma as some of the least "worthy" citizens in Fargo and black, Christian Southern Sudanese as some of the worthiest citizens. In so doing, I highlight the important roles of religion, hard work, education, and civic duty as characteristics of "good" citizens in Fargo. The dissertation is based on a year of ethnographic research in Fargo (2007-08). It also builds on previous research with Roma in Bosnia (1998-2000) and employment with a resettlement agency in South Dakota (2001-2002). I relate this analysis to anthropological theories of the state with a particular focus on refugee resettlement in the context of the neoliberal welfare state. Following Harrell- Bond's argument that refugees are often portrayed as mere "recipients of aid," I argue for a more nuanced understanding of refugees as active citizens in Fargo. I view refugee resettlement organizations, welfare agencies, and volunteers as powerful actors in shaping refugees' lives, but I also take into account the ways in which refugees in turn shaped these actors. I show how refugee resettlement called into question hegemonic forms of citizenship in the relatively culturally and racially homogenous city of Fargo. / Committee in charge: Carol Silverman, Chairperson, Anthropology; Sandra Morgen, Member, Anthropology; Lynn Stephen, Member, Anthropology; Susan Hardwick, Outside Member, Geography

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Transitional justice emerged as an integral part of state- and peacebuilding processes during the same period as the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This created a market for human rights promotion in which non-governmental organizations were perceived as experts. Although transitional justice is a well-researched area, few studies have analyzed the production of knowledge by non-governmental organizations in this field. The aim of this study is to bridge this research gap by analyzing how two non-governmental organizations – Human Rights Watch and Kvinna till Kvinna Foundation – create and use the concept of victim in their reports. The reports were analyzed in two steps, based on qualitative content analysis. The first step was to code the material based on theoretical assumptions and the content. The second step was to create a narrative which was the base for the theoretical analysis of the material. The analysis centers around three key concepts: cosmopolitanism, representation and the subaltern. This theoretical framework is created based on the two scholars Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Ulrich Beck. The analysis shows that both organizations are creating a space in their reports, a cosmopolitan reality, in which they are legitimizing their own work. The creation of different subjects, such as victim, is also done in relation to this space. In other words, the organizations create the concept of victim to suit their own world-view and rationale.

In this paper corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina’s possibilities of integrating with EU. The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of corruption. After that these forms of corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process. The results show that corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.

En Bosnie-Herzégovine, après la guerre de 1992 à 1995, un nombre important d'organisations féminines se sont créées partout sur le territoire, afin de prendre en charge une partie des nombreux problèmes que pose la reconstruction post-conflit. Parallèlement, au niveau international, une attention croissante est portée aux conséquences des conflits armés sur les femmes et les filles, ainsi que sur la nécessité de les intégrer dans la reconstruction post-conflit. La résolution 1325 votée par le Conseil de Sécurité en 2000 vise ainsi à appeler les États à intégrer les femmes dans les processus de décision dans les contextes de construction de la paix. La présente recherche vise à interroger et analyser les capacités des organisations de femmes à participer et à influencer le processus de construction de la paix. En effet, une des hypothèses de départ de cette recherche postule que les organisations de femmes ont été ciblées par les acteurs de la communauté internationale comme des actrices privilégiées de la construction de la paix et de la réconciliation. Dans une perspective longitudinale, prenant en considération les carrières de plusieurs catégories d'organisations de femmes, il s'agit d'analyser les mobilisations sociales impulsées par les organisations féminines, ainsi que l'évolution de leurs agendas et de leurs capacités à agir sur le processus de construction de la paix. / Since the end of the Bosnian war (1992-95), many women organizations have been created in Bosnia in order to handle many post-conflict issues. At the same time, in the international arena, new norms have highlighted the specific needs of women and girls in the aftermath of conflict in regard to their specific victimization during armed conflict. The resolution 1325 adopted by the Security Council in 2000, calls the States to take into account these specific needs and to integrate women in peacebuilding decision's processes. This research aims at examining and analyzing the capabilities of women organizations in participating in peacebuilding process in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of the research is to bring out the factors of their mobilizations and the evolution of their agenda of action with a specific attention to the international norms circulation. Two main categories of organizations have been defined during the research in order to highlight different agencies and roles in the peacebuilding process, as well as the relationship between the two different categories of organizations.

This study is concerned with the particular relationship between the process of nationalism and a group’s salient identity. It proposes that nationalism as the independent variable serves as a principal factor and facilitator for a change of identity, which is seen as the dependent variable. The Bosnian Muslim emergence as an independent nation with the new salient Bosniak identity was used as a case study to test the main proposition. The inquiry was completed through a mixed research method, using grounded theory and the historic process tracing technique, a large survey analysis collected specifically for this study, and a logistic regression as a concluding test. The historic process tracing method describes the Bosnian Muslim group’s development from a distinct Balkan Ottoman religious millet group, through a stage of its own ethno-religious cultural crystallization, another stage of nationality during the Communist era, to an independent nation that now shares the country of Bosnia-Herzegovina with two other nations. Through their struggle to survive and re-assert themselves as an important local political entity, Bosniaks built their nationalism upon three important themes: B-H integrity, Bosnian Islam, and the Bosnian language. A 68-question survey regarding these three themes designed specifically for this study was conducted, and 670 survey responses were collected from the Bosnian Muslim diaspora population living throughout the Midwestern and Eastern U.S. in their Appadurai-type neighborhoods. The data collected from those surveys were manipulated in preparation for a final analysis. The two nationalism indexes measuring intensity and type, and six categories of Bosniak identity, were constructed to observe interactions between nationalism and identity. As the final step, a statistical analysis with multinomial logistic regression confirmed the proposition and showed that the factor which stimulates selection of a new desired salient identity is intensity of nationalism, not type of nationalism . This work contributes to the ongoing discussion on the true role of nationalism as a collective action. At the same time, it provides the field of comparative politics with a comprehensive description of the emergence of Bosnian Muslims as a nation, and with details of their nationalism project and their now salient Bosniak identity.

This thesis examines how madness has been used in post-Yugoslav cinemas to facilitate thinking about experiences of the break-up of the SFRY throughout the 1990s and 2000s, its consequences and implications for the future. The study conceptualises post-Yugoslav film cultures as public spheres in which artistic and industrial practices are often combined to create meaning around the core themes of trauma and identity in post-Yugoslav cultures. Working with seven feature-length titles from a range of post-Yugoslav successor states (Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia and Kosovo) I illustrate how images of madness have been essential in the cultural processing of events of the 1990s. Whilst featuring individuals suffering mental instabilities and disturbances, and sometimes asylums or mental health institutions, I contend such films are not ultimately concerned – on a thematic level – with mental health, but instead focus on the use of such characters in a metaphoric capacity for engaging core themes of Yugoslav break-up, conflicts, and difficulties of subsequent transition. Using the semantic/syntactic approach to genre, I identify two common ways in which madness is used on a textual level to engage these core themes. The first of these, the ‘inside-out asylum trope of madness’, is concerned with the use of the asylum in films which assess critically the dominant political ideologies of the successor states in question at a time when political pluralism was not yet established by the transition process. Films discussed include Burlesque Tragedy (Marković, 1995), Marshall Tito’s Spirit (Brešan, 1999), and Kukumi (Qosja, 2005). The second trope is the ‘multiple realities trope of madness’ in which the presentation of diegetic reality on screen is adapted to reflect various conceptualisations of trauma and loss arising from Yugoslav break-up and transition. Here the films include Loving Glances (Karanović, 2003), Fuse (Žalica, 2003), Mirage (Ristovski, 2004) and Land of Truth, Love and Freedom (Petrović, 2000). Across the films selected, it is madness which ultimately provides a diverse pool of metaphors and images for an assessment of Yugoslavia’s traumatic demise and the ensuing process of picking through the debris of its ideology, cultural practices, values and ways of living for precisely what might be salvageable and what should be discarded.