This thesis attempts to reconcile the ‘two Rwandas’ which dominate contemporary scholarship, and seem on first glance utterly incommensurable: the inspirational developmental donor darling, and the brutal police state ruled by a shadowy ethnic clique. It argues both sides capture something, but fail to give a fair assessment of the mercurial system of political order constructed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) following the Genocide of 1994. This system is a durably strong state with exceptionally high levels of societal penetration capable of delivering order and other public goods, with a ruling party in a hegemonic position with a degree of medium-term stability, despite (and because of) its illiberal repressive character. Such a system is only possible because of the extremely unusual sociology of the RPF itself, forged in the refugee camps of Uganda and the Ugandan Bush War, and the structural constraints on rule within Rwanda. With these resources, the RPF has successfully made the transition from guerilla movement to hegemonic civilian political party, created bureaucratic institutions of government which penetrate to the lowest level, and hugely profitable ‘party-statals’ which co-exist alongside functioning competitive markets. Such successes are not disconnected from the violence, repression, and extra-judicial coercion which remain crucial to the regime. Analyses which think the positive aspects of Rwanda’s current ‘miracle’ can be mimicked without the accompanying domination and autocracy are engaging in wishful thinking. Crucially, given how distinctive the enabling conditions for Rwanda’s current political dispensation are, the extent to which Rwanda can be a policy exemplar or ‘best-practice’ for other African states to follow is in any case seriously overstated.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the relationship between history and literature, with specific reference to the Afrikaans novels Verliesfontein (1998) by Karel Schoeman and Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz (1998) by Christoffel Coetzee. Both novels are framed against the background of the Anglo Boer War and both take a postmodern approach to that history, amongst other things. First, Chapter 2 reviews the historical background to the relationship between history and literature through the ages (the classical era, and the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries), with a view to indicating how this tradition adheres to the postmodern spirit of contemporary times. Thereafter, Chapter 3 presents a theoretical investigation into the postmodern view of historiography and historical fiction. Special reference is made to Hutcheon's theory of historiographic metafiction as an important theoretical point of departure in the discussion of historical fiction. Political and ideological meaning implicit in historiography is discussed. Chapter 4 explores the current trend in South Africa of rereading and reappraising the past, of questioning traditional historiography in a postapartheid South African context (both in Afrikaans fiction and in historical writing). The revisiting of the Anglo Boer War in contemporary South Africa and in Afrikaans fiction is investigated, and an attempt is made to establish the significance of its reappraisal. Against this background the two texts, Verliesfontein and Op soek na generaal Manntjies Mentz, are discussed in Chapter 5. The two novels amply illustrate the possibility for interaction between history and literature, fact and fiction. How may these texts be read in view of postmodern theory? What lessons for present-day South Africans did Schoeman and Coetzee have in mind with their postmodern questioning of traditional historiography and their unconventional reconstruction of the past? Reappraising conventional accounts of history and exploring personal histories as these texts do, Verliesfontein and Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz are part of the dominant discourse that is taking form in the multicultural society of a postapartheid South Africa today. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie is 'n ondersoek onderneem na die verhouding tussen geskiedenis en literatuur, met spesifieke verwysing na Karel Schoeman se roman Verliesfontein (1998) en Christoffel Coetzee se roman Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz (1998). In hierdie twee tekste, wat die Anglo-Boereoorlog as hul raamwerk het, is onder andere 'n postmodernistiese benadering tot die geskiedenis benut. Eerstens word in hoofstuk 2 oorsigtelik gekyk na die historiese agtergrond van die verhouding tussen geskiedenis en literatuur met verloop van die tyd (die klassieke tyd, agtiende eeu, negentiende eeu en twintigste eeu), om aan te dui hoe dié tradisie by die heersende tydsgees van die postmodernisme aansluit. Hierna verskaf hoofstuk 3 'n teoretiese ondersoek na die postmodernistiese manier waarop geskiedskrywing en historiese fiksie gesien word. Die teorie van Hutcheon se historiografiese metafiksie word veral in die bespreking van historiese fiksie betrek as 'n belangrike teoretiese uitgangspunt. Vervolgens kom politieke en ideologiese implikasies in geskiedskrywing onder bespreking. Daarna (hoofstuk 4) word die Suid-Afrikaanse kontemporêre tendens om die verlede te herlees en te herwaardeer uiteengesit, en die ondermyning van die tradisionele geskiedskrywing in die post-apartheid Suid-Afrikaanse konteks (sowel in Afrikaanse fiksie as in geskiedskrywing) word ondersoek. Daar word gefokus op die her-bedenking van die Anglo-Boereoorlog in die hedendaagse Suid-Afrika en in Afrikaanse fiksie, en daar word ook probeer om die betekenis van dié herwaardering te soek. Teen bostaande agtergrond kom die twee tekste, Verliesfontein en Op soek na generaal Manntjies Mentz onder bespreking (hoofstuk 5). Die romans is goeie voorbeelde van die interaksie-moontlikhede tussen geskiedenis en literatuur, feit en fiksie, en daar word ondersoek hoe hierdie twee tekste aan die hand van postmodernistiese teorieë gelees kan word. Uiteindelik word daar besin oor watter lesse Schoeman en Coetzee met die postmodernistiese problematisering van geskiedskrywing en die onkonvensionele rekonstruksie van die verlede aan kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaners wou oordra. Met die herbesinning van die konvensionele weergawe van die geskiedenis en veral deur die verkenning van persoonlike geskiedenisse, vorm Verliesfontein en Op soek na generaal Mannetjies Mentz deel van die heersende diskoers wat vandag in 'n multikulturele samelewing van die post-apartheid Suid-Afrika aan die ontwikkel is.

The emergence of regional security organisations during the 1990s in Africa proved to be of great significance for the lives of many Africans, including those living in conflict-torn countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire or the Democratic Republic of Congo, but, at the same time, this phenomenon has been understudied. This dissertation explores why regional security organisations with an agenda of democratic governance emerged in Africa in the 1990s. This question is answered with two in-depth case studies on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Driven by an empirical puzzle, this study is both hypothesis-testing and hypothesis generating. The study starts by laying out the different possible factors put forward by several bodies of theory in international relations to explain the emergence of ECOWAS and SADC as security organisations. These hypotheses are then tested throughout the history and the evolution of ECOWAS and SADC in order to highlight the circumstances of their creation and their qualified failure as economic communities. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the security and democracy mandates entrusted to ECOWAS and SADC by its member states based on the study of the legal texts that outline the specific objectives of each regional security organisation and the tools they were given to implement their mandates. The study finally analyses the implementation records of ECOWAS and SADC in order to assess the commitment of their member states to their new democracy and security mandate. The research concludes with the two following hypotheses: 1) A security agenda cannot emerge without the involvement of the regional hegemon. 2) What the regional hegemon can do, including affecting the speed of the transformation, is constrained by the acceptance of its leadership by its neighbours (legitimacy) and by state weakness (capability).

This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Technology: Education, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2013. / This study is focused on the role of education to improve awareness of two critically important aspects of the South African situation 19 years after the first democratic elections in 1994. In the first instance, the study aims to augment the grades 10-12 Life Orientation curriculum to promote understanding and appreciation of land rights as human rights for every citizen in South Africa to address the social injustices of the past. In the second instance, the study focuses on grades 10-12 Agricultural Sciences curriculum to ensure that every learner who leaves school is in a position to care for land responsibly, and to use land productively for his or her own benefit and the benefit of others in the future. These foci have been informed by numerous interactions with people in four small communities on the Southern KwaZulu-Natal coast, who have been victims of landless as a result of the Group Areas act of 1960, and are claiming restitution for the land lost, and are required by law to make the restituted land productive. The study records first hand stories told about land ownership, landless, land claims, land restitution, and land (ab)use stories, in the form of narratives, such as autobiographies, auto-ethnographies, accounts of action research and self study. My research participants and I are the authors of our land stories. We tell our stories as a way of making the private public in the interests of a fair and just society. The forms of presentation include narratives, dialogues, playlets, literary references and critical reflections. The perspectives used include the native worldview, rurality as a dynamic, generative and variable milieu, the orality-literacy interface, the effect of oppression, and values and beliefs, customs and mores which (in)form a civil and civilised society. During the course of the study, the role of stories to reveal what is happening in the lives of those people most affected by unjust laws, and to empower them to take action in their own best interests became evident. The major role of education in land reforms cannot be overemphasized, which is why I have used what I have discovered from the many interactions with many people to inform two grades 10-12 school curricula: the grades 10-12 Life Orientation curriculum and the grades 10-12 Agricultural Sciences curriculum . / PDF Full-text unavailable. Please refer to hard copy for Full-text / D

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Access to electricity is an important precondition to many aspects of human and economic development. Yet, in rural sub-Saharan Africa in particular, access rates remain very low — at an average of 17% and much lower in some cases. Rural electrification in Kenya, the focus of this thesis, had only reached 7% in 2014. Given the goal of universal electrification by 2030, formulated as part of Sustainable Development Goal 7, scalable and replicable approaches that are able to support productive and non-productive uses are required. Mini-grids are one promising solution to this problem, alongside grid extension and off-grid approaches such as solar home systems. However, their long-term operational sustainability has historically been a challenge. While the academic literature to date on sustainable energy access has largely been two-dimensional in its analysis of mini-grids (focusing on technology and economics or financing), this thesis contributes to an emerging body of recent contributions to the literature, which have begun to foreground socio-cultural considerations. Bridging the literature on collective action for common-pool resource (CPR) management and property rights theory, a refined theoretical framework is produced for the purpose of analysing the institutional conditions for sustainable management of rural mini-grids. The utility of this framework and of treating electricity in a mini-grid as a CPR is demonstrated via empirical analysis of three case studies of mini-grids in rural Kenya and evidence from 24 expert interviews. This yields insights on nontechnological approaches to addressing operational challenges relating to sustainable mini-grid management, e.g. fair allocation of limited amounts of electricity to different consumers in ways that are acceptable to the entire community. This thesis develops contributions to the literature on sustainable CPR management and collective action, property rights theory and energy access in developing countries. From these theoretical and empirical insights, it explores a novel institutional structure for sustainable management of pro-poor mini-grids in the form of a community–private property hybrid management platform, thereby opening up opportunities for future research into the implementation of such a platform. The thesis represents the first comprehensive attempt to analyse the institutional aspects of pro-poor mini-grid management as well as the first comprehensive attempt to treat electricity in a mini-grid as a CPR.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for MA by Coursework and Research Report, Johannesburg, 2017 / This research report explores the influences of memory in selected works by two visual artists: South African Kemang Wa Lehulere’s Remembering the Future of a Hole as a Verb 2.1 and Polish artist Ursula von Rydingsvard’s Droga. The report examines the ways in which personal memory can inform creative practice and the surface difficulties such endeavours may present. These works and writings on memory and creative practice inform my own practice, through which I investigate ways of expressing my memories of my grandparents’ carpentry workshop in Sunnydale Eshowe in KwaZulu Natal, South Africa. / XL2018

Thesis (M.Ed) Stellenbosch University, 1938. / Bibliography / VOORWOORD: In hierdie verhandleing het ek my dit ten doel gestel om die Geskiedenis van die Opvoeding van Meisies in Suid-Afrika te probeer weer. Daar egter die Kaapprovinsie die voorbeeld vir die opvoeding van meisies in Suid-Afrika gestel het, het ek my alleen tot genoemde provinsie bepaal. Die tydperk in die verhandeling omvat strek van ongeveer 1800 tot 1910, omdat in 1804 vir die eerste keer in die Geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika spesiale voorsiening vir die opvoeding van meisies gemaak is. Om die rede het ek my hoofsaaklik bepaal by die wer van Ds. A. Murry en die N. G. Kerk omdat ons e.g. as die baanbreker van gevorderde onderwys vir meisies kan beskou.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa consists of a vast, culturally diverse population, entrenched in customary tribal influences which are essentially based on stringent patriarchal directives. These spilt over into other societal spheres, one of which is the media, which is part of an existing male hegemonic society. The rationale for this study is essentially to determine the role played by the media in their representation of women, before and shortly after the liberation of South Africa. This study will establish whether the voices of women were represented, or not, in the media, in the period shortly after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and affiliated organisations in 1990. By interviewing and recording the oral histories of a few female ANC Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) soldiers, the need is evident to, through this oral tradition process, give a voice to these voiceless women. The theoretical foundations for this study is firstly based on “womanism”. Womanism was born from the shortcomings of feminism (a largely Western concept) that was unable to address the issues unique to the situation of black women. A second theoretical point of departure is the Social Responsibility Theory, a media theory that could, based on research done for this study, play a profound role to the benefit of women. The methodological investigation is based on a mixed method research approach where Content Analysis (CA) and Grounded Theory (GT) are triangulated with the literature review. The GT processes gave a voice to some unknown female MK soldiers by conducting interviews based on in-depth interview questions. The CA process led to the conclusion that the voices of women who contributed to the struggle were largely ignored by the media. The researcher found that given the contributions and sacrifices women have made in democratising South Africa, acknowledgement of these efforts are sorely lacking, especially in the media. This study therefore seeks to contribute to the lost and repressed voices of women, and to redress a history of omission to a history of commission. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika beskik oor 'n kultureel diverse bevolking met tradisionele stam-invloede wat essensieel gebaseer is op streng patriargale riglyne. Dit het oorgespoel na ander sosiale kontekste, waarvan een die media is, en wat deel uitmaak van 'n bestaande manlike hegemoniese gemeenskap. Die rasionaal vir hierdie studie was om vas te stel watter rol die media gespeel het in die representasie van vroue kort ná die eerste stappe tot 'n bevryde Suid-Afrika. Hierdie studie wou vasstel of die stemme van vroue verteenwoordig was, of nie, in die media, in die tydperk kort ná die ontbanning van die African National Congress (ANC) en ander geaffilieerde organisasies in 1990. Die veronderstelling is dat vrouestemme nie in die media waarneembaar was nie, en dat die situasie teengewerk kan word deur die toepassing van mondelinge geskiedenis. In hierdie geval is die verhale van 'n paar vroulike Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK)-soldate geboekstaaf om sodoende deur die mondelinge geskiedenistradisie 'n stem te gee aan stemlose vroue. Die teoretiese grondslag vir hierdie studie is eerstens gebaseer op “Womanism”. Dié teorie het ontstaan weens die tekortkominge van Feminisme (grootliks ‟n Westerse konsep), wat nie in staat was om die kwessies wat uniek is aan die situasie van swart vroue aan te spreek nie. 'n Tweede teoretiese vertrekpunt is die Sosiale Verantwoordelikheidsteorie. Gebaseer op die navorsing vir hierdie studie, kan dit 'n groter rol in die media in die belang van vroue speel. Die metodologie is gebaseer op 'n gemengde metode-navorsingsbenadering waar Inhoudsanalise en Grounded Theory (GT) trianguleer met die literatuurstudie. Die GT-proses gee 'n stem aan 'n paar onbekende vroulike MK-soldate deur onderhoudvoering wat op in-diepte onderhoudvrae gebaseer is. Die inhoudsanalise proses het bevind dat vroue wat bygedra het tot die Vryheidstryd grootliks deur die media geïgnoreer is. Gegewe die bydraes en opofferings wat vroue gemaak het in die demokratisering van Suid-Afrika, ontbreek erkenning van hul pogings in ons geskiedskrywing, en beslis so in die media. Hierdie studie was 'n poging om by te dra tot die omkeer van hierdie situasie, naamlik om 'n “geskiedenis van uitsluiting” te herstel na 'n “geskiedenis van insluiting”.