This thesis deals with the Venezuela Foreign Policy Changes between the years 1999 -- 2012. The work provides the analyses of the political system of today's Venezuela and the Venezuelan foreign policy under the Hugo Chávez rule. As the thesis aims at studying the relationship between the domestic and foreign policy both aspects needed to be considered. Author tests the hypothesis that the foreign rhetoric and policy of Venezuela between the years 1999 -- 2012 were primarily focused on legitimizing Hugo Chavez's domestic position. Hugo Chavez's speeches in front of the National Assembly in the years 2000-2012 were analyzed using the text analysis tools. Quantification of the speeches key words was one of the instruments to test the above stated main hypothesis of the thesis. Chavez's foreign rhetoric and policy helped to fortify its power position especially with army and masses sensitive to populist approach even though the consequences for the Venezuelan economy were rather bad or unsustainable. Furthermore we can state that the foreign rhetoric and policy of the years 1999-2012 developed and radicalized in relation to the domestic economic and political situation.

The topic of the thesis is changes that occurred in Venezuela in last 20 years of its development. The aim of the disertation is to evaluate the shift of the development of Venezuela after the fall of Hugo Cháves and the rise of Nicolás Maduro to power. The theoretical part of the thesis is aimed on Hugo Cháves' rise to power and characteristics of governing body of his successor Nicolás Maduro. The analytical part is divided into two sections - political changes and social-economical changes. Topics like internal and external politics of the country, changes in social and security policies, foreign trade and political issues, changes i the social system and dependance of the country on oil trade are furthermore described in the analytical part. The last section deals with the development of the country based on selected macro-economical markers.

This thesis analyses the political and socioeconomic changes in Venezuela during the presidency of Hugo Chávez. Its main goal is to find out whether the current Venezuelan government has the attributes of an authoritarian regime and what effects have the governmental reforms brought so far in the fields mentioned above.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Santos Salgado.pdf: 1751953 bytes, checksum: b6e8a2f4cd3c384d0cbef2f819526008 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this study is to determine how one of the three largest circulation national newspapers in Brazil Folha de S. Paulo covered Venezuela and President Hugo Chávez between the years 2002-2005. During this period Venezuela went through one of the most troubled times in its recent history with a coup in 2002, strikes, social demonstrations, recall referendums and the opposition refusal to participate in the legislative elections in 2005 facts that justify the attention given to the country by the communications media. In the development of this dissertation points pertinent to the methodology adopted and relevant historical aspects recovered from the trajectory of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo are clarified within its chapters. A full background on recent Venezuelan history is seen, from the introduction of liberal democracy in the country in 1958, based on the role of traditional political parties such as Acción Democrática and COPEI and the agreement known as the Punto Fijo Pact, that was responsible for the adoption of neo-liberal policies that led to crises in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s and which resulted in the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Analysis is also seen of Folha de S. Paulo s editorial coverage in relation to the Venezuelan government and highlighting of the arguments that led this paper to consider it undemocratic, besides explaining the paper s understanding of democracy and how this could be linked to a liberal definition of the concept, as well as proceeding to an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition newspaper and the similarities between the coverage of Folha and that of private Venezuelan communication media against the government established by Chávez. In this way the analysis recurs to the interwoven critique of Hugo Chávez and the construction of his images as a populist leader a concept that became the subject of considerable historical discussion, bearing negative value from the links of his profile as a politician who deceived and manipulated the populace. Thus, we have aimed at a critical look at the concepts used by the Folha de S. Paulo to explain the nature of the Chávez government, beginning with data of the Venezuelan social reality that could explain the nature of the Chávez government and how it became possible to identify the ideology propagated by the Brazilian newspaper recovered from identification of the social function to which it complies as a vehicle of the major press and media and its influence in shaping Brazilian public opinion in relation to its neighboring country / O trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a cobertura realizada pelo jornal brasileiro Folha de S. Paulo um dos três jornais do país que conta com ampla circulação nacional no que se refere à Venezuela e ao presidente Hugo Chávez entre os anos de 2002 e 2005. Durante este período a Venezuela passou por um dos momentos mais conturbados de sua história recente, com golpe de Estado em 2002, greves, manifestações sociais, referendos revogatórios e a recusa da oposição em participar das eleições legislativas em 2005, fatos que justificaram a atenção dada ao país pelos meios de comunicação. Na elaboração desta dissertação e ao longo de seus capítulos são esclarecidos os pontos pertinentes à metodologia adotada e resgata-se da historiografia aspectos relevantes da trajetória do jornal Folha de S. Paulo. A realização de uma retrospectiva sobre a história recente venezuelana foi observada desde a instauração da liberaldemocracia no país em 1958, com o protagonismo de seus partidos políticos tradicionais como Acción Democrática e COPEI e o acordo que ficou conhecido como Pacto de Punto Fijo, responsável pela adoção de políticas neoliberais que levaram às crises ocorridas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990 e que resultou na eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998. Também se observa a análise da cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo em seus editoriais sobre o governo venezuelano e a destacada argumentação que promoveu este periódico em considerá-lo antidemocrático, além de explicitar o entendimento do jornal sobre democracia e como pode ser vinculada à definição liberal do conceito, bem como se procedeu a análise dos jornais de oposição na Venezuela e as semelhanças entre a cobertura da Folha e a realizada pelos meios de comunicação privados venezuelanos, contrários ao governo implantado por Chávez. Desse modo, a análise recai sobre a crítica tecida a Hugo Chávez e a construção de sua imagem como um líder populista conceito que se tornou alvo de grande discussão historiográfica ao carregar em sua definição um valor negativo , além de vincular seu perfil ao de um político que enganou e manipulou a população. Nesse sentido, procurou-se fazer a crítica aos conceitos utilizados pela Folha de S. Paulo, a partir de dados da realidade social venezuelana que explicitaram a natureza do governo Chávez e que tornaram possível identificar a ideologia propagada pelo jornal brasileiro, resgatada a partir da identificação da função social que este cumpre como veículo da grande imprensa e de interferência na construção da opinião pública brasileira em relação ao país vizinho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elton Frederick Souza.pdf: 880420 bytes, checksum: fee7ec7f2a3ffe4b646599c40b6e98b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-14 / This research Bolivarism and Chavism: similarities, mystification and paradoxes intend to make a rescue of the political thought of Simon Bolivar in order to examine how the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, appropriates the legacy of The Liberator . The symbolic expression of Bolivar is analyzed in the light of a reflection on the role of political myths in modern societies. Despite a presumed rationalization of contemporary political life, the myths still present themselves as powerful instruments for the maintenance of consensus and, as in the case of Hugo Chavez, to legitimize and give substance to an alleged proposal to break. Beyond this symbolic dimension, the research aims to answer whether there is indeed a material correspondence between the Bolivarian ideas and the political project undertaken by the Venezuelan president. The hypothesis is that the mythical legacy of Bolivar plays a key role in the Chavez project, but the relationship between Simon Bolivar and Hugo Chavez does not end only in the symbolic plan. Finally, it reflects the relationship of both with the people , indicating that there is, in this particular aspect, a paradoxical component: Chavez subverts the impressions of Bolivar on the masses for supposedly implement the Liberator Hispanic American unfinished project / A pesquisa Bolivarismo e Chavismo: aproximações, mitificação e paradoxos se propõe a fazer um resgate do pensamento político de Simón Bolívar para analisar de que forma o presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, se apropria do legado do Libertador. A expressão simbólica de Bolívar é analisada à luz de uma reflexão sobre o papel desempenhado pelos mitos políticos nas sociedades modernas. A despeito de uma presumida racionalização da vida política contemporânea, os mitos ainda se apresentam como vigorosos instrumentos para a manutenção de consensos e, como no caso de Hugo Chávez, para legitimar e dar substância a uma suposta proposta de ruptura. Além desta dimensão simbólica, a pesquisa se propõe a responder se há, efetivamente, uma correspondência material entre o ideário bolivariano e o projeto político levado a cabo pelo presidente venezuelano. A hipótese deste trabalho é que o legado mítico de Bolívar desempenha um papel determinante no projeto chavista, mas que a relação entre Simón Bolívar e Hugo Chávez não se encerra no plano exclusivamente simbólico. Por fim, reflete-se sobre a relação de ambos com o povo , apontando que há, neste aspecto particular, um componente paradoxal: Chávez subverte as impressões de Bolívar acerca das massas para, supostamente, pôr em curso o projeto inacabado pelo Libertador da América hispânica

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elton Frederick Souza.pdf: 880420 bytes, checksum: fee7ec7f2a3ffe4b646599c40b6e98b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-14 / This research Bolivarism and Chavism: similarities, mystification and paradoxes intend to make a rescue of the political thought of Simon Bolivar in order to examine how the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, appropriates the legacy of The Liberator . The symbolic expression of Bolivar is analyzed in the light of a reflection on the role of political myths in modern societies. Despite a presumed rationalization of contemporary political life, the myths still present themselves as powerful instruments for the maintenance of consensus and, as in the case of Hugo Chavez, to legitimize and give substance to an alleged proposal to break. Beyond this symbolic dimension, the research aims to answer whether there is indeed a material correspondence between the Bolivarian ideas and the political project undertaken by the Venezuelan president. The hypothesis is that the mythical legacy of Bolivar plays a key role in the Chavez project, but the relationship between Simon Bolivar and Hugo Chavez does not end only in the symbolic plan. Finally, it reflects the relationship of both with the people , indicating that there is, in this particular aspect, a paradoxical component: Chavez subverts the impressions of Bolivar on the masses for supposedly implement the Liberator Hispanic American unfinished project / A pesquisa Bolivarismo e Chavismo: aproximações, mitificação e paradoxos se propõe a fazer um resgate do pensamento político de Simón Bolívar para analisar de que forma o presidente da Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, se apropria do legado do Libertador. A expressão simbólica de Bolívar é analisada à luz de uma reflexão sobre o papel desempenhado pelos mitos políticos nas sociedades modernas. A despeito de uma presumida racionalização da vida política contemporânea, os mitos ainda se apresentam como vigorosos instrumentos para a manutenção de consensos e, como no caso de Hugo Chávez, para legitimar e dar substância a uma suposta proposta de ruptura. Além desta dimensão simbólica, a pesquisa se propõe a responder se há, efetivamente, uma correspondência material entre o ideário bolivariano e o projeto político levado a cabo pelo presidente venezuelano. A hipótese deste trabalho é que o legado mítico de Bolívar desempenha um papel determinante no projeto chavista, mas que a relação entre Simón Bolívar e Hugo Chávez não se encerra no plano exclusivamente simbólico. Por fim, reflete-se sobre a relação de ambos com o povo , apontando que há, neste aspecto particular, um componente paradoxal: Chávez subverte as impressões de Bolívar acerca das massas para, supostamente, pôr em curso o projeto inacabado pelo Libertador da América hispânica

<p>By using a quantitative content analysis, this thesis examines how the Latin American television channel Telesur was established, and the character of Telesurs programme listings and news broadcasts. The thesis also examines how Telesurs agenda to promote pan-Latin American integration, is visible in the material broadcasted.</p><p>The theories used are the media dependency theory, framing of news, news bias and media globalization and regionalization.</p><p>The media development and current situation in Latin America and Venezuela is described.</p><p>The results show that Telesur came into existence in a polarized mass medial and political climate, as part of the communicational strategy of the Chávez government to promote the “21th century socialism”. The news broadcasts are not directly related to the Telesur agenda. The news does not differ much from other international news broadcasts in aspects of length, tempo and topics. The broadcasts lack economical segments but empathizes political segments. The geographical representation is to a great part concentrated to and around Venezuela. In the programme listings, the aim of being an educative and news providing television channel is clearly visible, as the channel provides a great part of news and documentaries.</p>

By using a quantitative content analysis, this thesis examines how the Latin American television channel Telesur was established, and the character of Telesurs programme listings and news broadcasts. The thesis also examines how Telesurs agenda to promote pan-Latin American integration, is visible in the material broadcasted. The theories used are the media dependency theory, framing of news, news bias and media globalization and regionalization. The media development and current situation in Latin America and Venezuela is described. The results show that Telesur came into existence in a polarized mass medial and political climate, as part of the communicational strategy of the Chávez government to promote the “21th century socialism”. The news broadcasts are not directly related to the Telesur agenda. The news does not differ much from other international news broadcasts in aspects of length, tempo and topics. The broadcasts lack economical segments but empathizes political segments. The geographical representation is to a great part concentrated to and around Venezuela. In the programme listings, the aim of being an educative and news providing television channel is clearly visible, as the channel provides a great part of news and documentaries.

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la traducción al inglés de cuatro metáforas conceptuales utilizadas por Hugo Chávez en la Asamblea General de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Esta investigación es realizada mediante un análisis cualitativo que se basa en la teoría de la metáfora conceptual formulada por George Lakoff y Mark Johnson en 1980. El análisis examina cómo se han transferido las metáforas conceptuales en la traducción al inglés y cuáles son las consecuencias de estas transferencias. El corpus consiste en tres documentos oficiales que contienen los discursos pronunciados por Chávez durante las sesiones plenarias de 2000, 2002 y 2009. Los resultados del análisis sugieren que las metáforas conceptuales en contextos políticos no se transfieren sin modificaciones en la traducción, lo cual puede cambiar cómo el lector percibe el mensaje del orador o, en ciertos casos, puede impedir que el lector reciba el mensaje original del orador. Sobre todo, los resultados destacan la importancia de poner atención a la conceptualización en la metáfora original antes de traducirla.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nabupolasar Alves Feitosa.pdf: 2444286 bytes, checksum: 64741c3bf7f88964eef9b1af8d5af923 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-28 / The present work, entitled The construction of the chavista State: the bolivarian influence, was done with the aim of analysing the process by which the political ideas produced in the past by Simón Bolívar were recovered and instrumentalized by Hugo Chávez under new historical circumstances. With the use of Simón Bolívar s historical figure as justification for his acts, Hugo Chávez s governing style varied in such a manner that it was possible to identify three periods during the 14 years as leader of the Venezuelan State. In each of theses periods, the way Chávez used the State to relate himself with society changed, and eventually He constructed what is called here the chavista State. The leading hypothesis in this work asserts that Chávez, using Bolívar as justification, took a political track in a growing dispute that ended up by creating a strong State, capitalist, socially oriented, with great concentration of Power in Hugo Chávez s hands, and with persecution against political adversaries or anyone that could oppose the chavista power project. To go through this hypothesis, a qualitative research was done, based also on many official data about the economic and social situation in Venezuela, besides a broad bibliographical research. The thesis holds its fundaments in Karl Marx's The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, in the understanding of bonapartism, which characterizes the chavista way of acting, and Nico poulantzas State, Power, Socialism, that offers a theory about the substitution of the power block as a result of the struggles between the class fractions. This way, with the study of Simón Bolívar s political thinking and Hugo Chávez s political formation and his acts as president of the Republic, it became clear that in Venezuela there was no revolution, for the capitalist characteristics remain in the Venezuelan economy, and the taking of the State by the working class did not occur, but only an exchange of the power block, with the military predominance as a hegemonic class. As a result of Hugo Chávez s phisical disappearence, the decadence of the chavista State started, with a tendency to extinction, due to the absence of Chávez s charisma, his ability to reconcile inner interests inside the chavista movement, and because of the economic crisis which devastates the country / O presente trabalho, intitulado A construção do Estado chavista: a influência bolivariana, foi realizado com o objetivo de analisar o processo pelo qual as idéias políticas produzidas no passado por Simón Bolívar foram recuperadas e instrumentalizadas por Hugo Chávez sob novas circunstâncias históricas. Com o uso da figura histórica de Simón Bolívar como justificativa para suas ações, o estilo de governar de Hugo Chávez variou de tal maneira que foi possível identificar três períodos distintos durante os 14 anos em que esteve à frente do Estado venezuelano. Em cada um desses períodos, a forma como Chávez usava o Estado para se relacionar com a sociedade ia mudando, até que finalmente construíu o que se denomina aqui de Estado chavista. A hipótese norteadora desse trabalho sustenta que Chávez, utilizando-se de Bolívar como justificativa, caminhou politicamente num crescente de disputa política que culminou em um Estado forte, capitalista, de orientação social, com grande concentração de poder na pessoa de Hugo Chávez, e com perseguição a adversários políticos ou qualquer um que se opusesse ao projeto chavista de poder. Para responder a essa hipótese, foi feita uma pesquisa qualitativa, sustentada também por muitos dados oficiais sobre a situação da sociedade e da economia venezuelanas, além de uma ampla pesquisa bibliográfica. A tese teve como base o 18 Brumário de Luís Bonaparte, de Karl Marx, na compreensão do bonapartismo, que caracteriza o modo de agir chavista, e a obra O Estado, O Poder, O Socialismo, de Nicos Poulantzas, que teoriza a respeito da substituição do bloco no poder como resultado das lutas entre as frações de classe. Dessa forma, com o estudo do pensamento político de Simón Bolívar e da formação ideológica de Hugo Chávez, somados seus aos atos enquanto Presidente da República, ficou patente que na Venezuela não houve revolução, pois permaneceram os traços capitalistas da economia venezuelana, e não ocorreu a tomada do Estado pela classe trabalhadora, tendo existido apenas a mudança do bloco no poder, com predominância dos militares como classe hegemônica. Com o desaparecimento físico de Hugo Chávez, iniciou-se a decadência do Estado chavista, com tendência ao desaparecimento em virtude da ausência do carisma de Chávez, da sua habilidade de conciliar interesses internos ao chavismo, e em razão da crise econômica que assola o país