A internacionalização do terror no Cone Sul, durante as décadas de 70 e 80, consistiu na integração dos esforços de um grupo de países para combater um ―inimigo‖ comum: o comunismo. Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai – com apoio dos Estados Unidos – associaram suas forças militares e serviços secretos para desenvolver um plano de combate internacional contra a ―subversão comunista‖: a denominada Operação Condor. Através dela internacionalizou-se o terrorismo de Estado instaurado nesses países, disseminando a insegurança, a violência e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos em toda a região sul-americana, dando origem a uma verdadeira ―multinacional do terror‖. O Plano Condor visou evitar que a atuação das organizações guerrilheiras existentes nesses países pudesse levar a uma revolução semelhante à ocorrida em Cuba. A Argentina foi um importante ator dessa rede internacional de terror. Perseguiu, reprimiu e colaborou, de forma sistemática e com requintes de violência, na perseguição e no aniquilamento dos opositores do regime ditatorial argentino, bem como dos países vizinhos. Com o golpe de Estado de março de 1976, instalou-se na Argentina a ditadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando o terrorismo do Estado e gerando um clima de insegurança e medo em toda a sociedade argentina. Nesta fase instaurou-se uma política estatal que cometeu diversos crimes de lesa humanidade, no marco do genocídio para alguns, ou do politicídio de vários militantes de movimentos de oposição, tornando-se esta a tática mais utilizada para combater as ideias ―subversivas‖. Milhares de cidadãos abandonaram o país tomando o rumo do exílio para salvar suas vidas, a de seus familiares e para seguir combatendo, desde o exterior, os usurpadores da liberdade na Argentina e lutando pela volta da democracia ao país. / The internationalization of terror in the Southern Cone, between the 70‘s and the 80‘s, was the integration of efforts of a group of countries to combat a ―common enemy‖: the communism. Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay – with support from the United States – connected its military forces and secret services to develop a plan to combat internationally the ―communist subversion‖: the named Operation Condor. It internationalized the State terrorism introduced in those countries, spreading insecurity, violence and disrespecting human rights in the entire South American region, giving rise to a genuine ―multinational of terror‖. The Operation Condor aimed to avoid that those guerrillas organizations, active in its countries, could lead to a revolution similar to which occurred in Cuba. Argentina was an important actor from that international network of terror. It persecuted, repressed and collaborated systematically and with refinements of violence in the harassment and the annihilation of enemies of the Argentinean dictatorial regime, such as from its neighbouring countries. With the coup d‟état of March of 1976 in Argentina it was installed the civil-military dictatorship named Proceso de Reorganización Nacional that trivialized State terrorism and generated an atmosphere of insecurity and fear for the Argentine society as whole. This stage introduced a State policy that committed several crimes against humanity, within the framework of genocide for some, or of the politicide of several militants of the opposition movements, making it the most widely used tactic to combat the ―subversive‖ ideas. Thousands of citizenships abandoned this country taking the road of exile to save their own lives, as well as their families‘ and to keep fighting against, from abroad, the usurpers of freedom in Argentina and struggling for the return of democracy to the country. / La internacionalización del terror en el Cono Sur, durante las décadas del 70 y 80, consistió en la integración de los esfuerzos de un grupo de países para combatir un ―enemigo‖ común: el comunismo. Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguay y Uruguay – con el apoyo de los EE.UU. – asociaron sus fuerzas militares y sus servicios secretos para desarrollar un plan de combate internacional contra la ―subversión comunista‖: la denominada Operación Cóndor. Mediante ella se internacionalizó el terrorismo de Estado antes esos países, diseminando la inseguridad, la violencia y el desprecio de los derechos humanos a toda la región sudamericana, originando una verdadera ―multinacional del terror‖. El Operativo Cóndor estuvo destinado a evitar que las acciones de organizaciones guerrilleras existentes en esos países pudieran llevar a una revolución semejante a la que ocurrió en Cuba. La Argentina fue un importante actor de esa red internacional del terror. Persiguió, reprimió y colaboró, sistemática y violentamente, en la persecución y en el aniquilamiento de los opositores del régimen dictatorial argentino, así como lo de los países vecinos. Con el golpe de Estado de marzo de 1976, se estableció en la Argentina la dictadura civil-militar, denominada Proceso de Reorganización Nacional, banalizando el terrorismo de Estado y generando una atmosfera de inseguridad y de miedo a toda la sociedad argentina. En esta fase se introdujo una política estatal que cometió diversos crímenes de lesa humanidad, en el marco del genocidio para algunos, o del politicidio de varios militantes de movimientos de oposición, convirtiéndose esta la táctica más utilizada para combatir las ideas "subversivas". Miles de ciudadanos abandonaron el país tomando el rumbo del exilio para salvar sus vidas, la de sus familiares y para seguir combatiendo, desde afuera, los usurpadores de la libertad en la Argentina y luchando por el regreso de la democracia al país.

La sépulture est souvent appréhendée à titre d’exception ou par une superposition de notions : copropriété familiale, bien familial, chose hors commerce, indivision perpétuelle, droit réel spécial... Cette approche disparate dissimule l’existence d’un droit des sépultures qui peine, en conséquence, à constituer un droit unifié. Le droit des sépultures se trouve fractionné en plusieurs branches : droit civil, droit pénal et droit public. A travers elles, apparaissent de nombreuses problématiques, liées à la nature et au régime proposés. Pour ces raisons, il est nécessaire d’aborder le droit des sépultures par la recherche de ses fondements, inchangés depuis le droit romain et le droit médiéval. Le premier fondement est le sacré ; le second la communauté. Tous deux prennent leur source dans l’histoire du droit et continuent d’exister dans le droit positif. Ils font apparaître une unité du droit des sépultures, autour d’une double fonction : assurer la séparation du mort et du vivant et perpétuer le culte des morts. Du point de vue anthropologique, le sacré, premier fondement, se distingue du religieux, et se manifeste selon deux opérations : la délimitation d’une frontière entre sacré et profane par la séparation, puis la protection de ce nouvel espace délimité par la répression de toute atteinte. Pour les sépultures, ces deux opérations sont effectuées respectivement par l’extracommercialité et par la protection pénale. Le premier mécanisme est issu du droit romain et montre une protection originale de la sépulture ; toute activité juridique qui n’est pas incompatible avec le respect des morts est autorisée. L’autre mécanisme concerne l’incrimination de violation de sépulture, qui perpétue sa dimension sacrée. Le second fondement est communautaire : il est apparu pour les sépultures de famille avec les communautés médiévales, à une époque où les biens et les personnes étaient soudés en un groupe familial unique. Désormais adapté par l’affectation familiale, un tel fondement se maintient dans notre droit avec un régime de propriété collective, à travers la transmission successorale restreinte au groupe familial et un principe égalitaire, ce qui fait de la sépulture une véritable propriété communautaire. Bien sacré, propriété communautaire, les fondements des sépultures mettent en exergue des dimensions originales de la propriété. / Burials are often considered in terms of acceptions or superimpositions of notions: family co-ownership, family property, off-trade affairs, joint possession, specific real right… This multi-entry approach conceals the existence of a right of burial which, as a consequence, is difficult to define as a unified right. The right of burial is divided up into various branches— civil law, criminal law, public law—which rise various questions linked to the very nature if the different systems. For this reason, it is necessary to tackle the right of burial from the point of view of its foundations, which have not changed since the establishment of Roman law and Medieval law.The first founding principle concerns the sacred; the second is about the community. Both originate in legal history and are still valid in the field of positive law. They show a unity in the right of burial as regards two main functions: ensure the separation between the living and the dead and keep up the traditional practice of ancestor worship. From the anthropological viewpoint, the sacred—the first principle—distinguishes from the religious, and is expressed in two main missions: the definition of a frontier between the sacred and the profane by the separation, then the protection of this new space delineated by the suppression of any violation. For the burials, these two missions are respectively accomplished by a position out of commerce and by the criminal procedure. The first mechanism comes from Roman law and shows an original protection of the burial process; every legal activity which is not incompatible with the respect of the dead is allowed. The other mechanism concerns the incrimination of the violation of the burial process and its sacred nature. The second founding principle is about the community: it was created for family burials by medieval communities, at a time when properties and people were seen as a unique family unit. Nowadays adapted by the family affectation, such a principle is maintained in our legal system because of a collective ownership regime, through the transmission of the succession restricted to the family and an egalitarian principle, which turn burials into a property of the community. Sacred property, property of the community, the founding principles of burials bring to light specific dimensions of the concept of property.

Magister Legum - LLM / Even though sexual violence has always been a part and parcel of conflicts and atrocities throughout the ages, it never found any interpretation by subsequent tribunals who were responsible for prosecuting offenders.The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu was the first of its kind to give jurisprudential recognition and interpretation to sexual violence as war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide respectively. This case was important for the following reasons:1. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to an act of genocide; 2. It acknowledged that sexual violence can amount to a crime against humanity; and 3. It was the first case to define rape within an international context.Following the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu many tribunals gave recognition to the extent of which sexual violence takes place during atrocities by correctly convicting accused for either participating in sexual violence or aiding and abetting to sexual violence. Amidst the various interpretations on what constitutes sexual violence and how it is defined, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone all either conceptualised sexual violence as genocide, war crimes or/ and crimes against humanity.At the same time, the development of sexual violence as either a crime against humanity or a war crime did not end with the courts. The case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu sparked a fire in the international community, which led to it paying more attention to the place of sexual violence in treaty law. Taking into account that rape is listed as a crime against humanity in both the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda statutes, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the International Criminal Court statutes both list more than one form of sexual violence as a crime against humanity. It is interesting to note that the latter two treaty developments took place only after the International Criminal Tribunal conceptualised sexual violence as a crime against humanity.Thus apart from merely listing rape as a crime against humanity, the Statute establishing the Special Court for Sierra Leone, states in article 2(g) that sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and any other form of sexual violence constitutes a crime against humanity. The Statute establishing the International Criminal Court states in article 7(1)(g) that rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity constitutes a crime against humanity. The interpretation of these acts is further guided by the ‘Elements of Crimes’ which are annexed to the International Criminal Court statute.Once again it is interesting to note that the ‘Elements of Crimes’ for these acts are similar to how the International Criminal Tribunals (both the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals) conceptualised various acts of sexual violence.On the other hand, the definition of genocide remained the same as it was defined in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 1948. This definition does not expressly mention any form of sexual violence as a form of genocide.However, once again, the trial chamber in the case of The Prosecutor v Jean-Paul Akayesu set the benchmark for sexual violence to constitute a form of genocide by way of interpretation. The definition of genocide did not subsequently change in the Statute establishing the International Criminal Court.Based on these premises, this thesis attempts to investigate the similarities and differences in sexual violence as a form of both genocide and a crime against humanity,by addressing the following question:What are the essential and practical differences between sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide and what is the legal effect of the differences, should there be any? Chapter 1 highlights the historical overview and developments of sexual violence as genocide and crimes against humanity, while chapter 2 investigates how sexual violence can amount to a form of genocide. Chapter 3 assesses the advances made in sexual violence as a crime against humanity, while chapter 4 importantly draws a comparative analysis between sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity. Chapter 4 draws this comparison by weighing up four differences and four similarities in sexual violence as genocide and a crime against humanity.Chapter 5 highlights the conclusion and provides an answer for the research question that is posed above. Here it is concluded that even though there exist multiple differences in sexual violence as crimes against humanity and genocide, there are also multiple similarities which could possibly amount to a better chance for conviction of an accused under a crime against humanity than genocide. Chapter 5 also provide possible recommendations for the consequences that might flow should sexual violence as a crime against humanity be fairly similar to sexual violence as genocide.

Comment comprendre qu’un bébé naissant doté de vitalité et de potentialités à l’humanité, devienne un jour tueur en série ? Cette thèse propose une étude de la psychogenèse de la violence du tueur en série, à travers les cinq périodes qui structurent le développement humain : archaïque, infantile, latence, adolescence, adulte. Elle s’appuie sur un cas clinique et sur du matériel expertal. Ma réflexion s’ouvre par un parallèle avec la clinique du génocide, qui conduit à définir la criminalité des tueurs en série comme un crime contre l’Humain, invitant dès lors à reconstruire les différentes étapes de la déstructuration de leur processus d’humanisation. Le contexte d’émergence de cette criminalité est situé dans la rencontre avec un environnement parental impitoyable qui a désorganisé doublement, chez le bébé, l’appropriation de l’identité humaine héritée génétiquement mais aussi la construction de l’identité subjective construite au fil de l’enfance. La criminalité du tueur en série est envisagée comme une « organisation défensive » dirigée contre une « agonie primitive » spécifique (ou « angoisse impensable ») qui a « offensé » le potentiel à l’humanité du bébé, dans la lignée des théories de D. W. Winnicott. La violence du tueur en série est étudiée grâce à une construction théorico-clinique créée sur mesure, mais elle est aussi resituée dans le cadre plus large de l’inhumanité de l’humain. Surtout, cette thèse a le souci constant de proposer une réflexion accessible au lecteur néophyte en quête de réponses (victimes, familles de victimes, professionnels de terrain peu habitués à la terminologie psychanalytique). / How shall we understand that a new born baby full of life and ready to embrace humanity might become one day a serial killer ? The purpose of this thesis is to study the psychogenesis of the serial killer violence through the analysis of the five key stages which are structuring human devel-opment : archaic stage, childish stage, latency stage, teenage & adult stages. This work is based on a clinical case and experts’ documents.My work is starting with a comparison with the clinical analysis of a genocide, which is de-fining serial killers’ criminality as a crime against humankind, and therefore leading us to rebuilding the different steps of their humanity breakdown process. The context, in which this criminality is emerging, lays in the confluence with a ruthless parental environment which has disorganized both the baby’s ownership of the genetically inherited human identity and the construction of a subjective identity. The serial killer criminality is considered as a “defense organization” aimed at protecting against a specific “primitive agony” (or “unthinkable anxiety”) which has “offended” the baby’s potential to humanity – in line with D.W. Winnicott’s theories.The serial killer’s violence is studied using a custom made theoretical and clinical construction, but it is also considered in the wider scope of human inhumanity. More importantly, this thesis aims at providing analysis and understanding which are accessible to neophyte readers looking for answers (victims and their families, field experts not used to psychoanalytic terminology).

Arabic text / One of the most important objectives of the Islamic Code is the reformation of character so that Divine justice may be achieved in human society. Two things are of paramount importance: -Teaching upcoming generations for being receptive to Islamic teachings so as to live a healthy future; and -Developing a healthy society that provides scope for successful survival of its members. Among numerous scholars that have undertaken this noble task is Shaikh Sa'di, the Persian mystical poet. A reading of his Gulistan confirms the didactic nature of his poetry. The history of human culture attests to the eminent position he occupies in refining morality of people regardless of their race or creed, and regardless of the era in which they live. The primary objective of this dissertation is to probe this literature which offers avenues for acquiring a firm sense of justice and felicity. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Arabic)

No description available.

[pt] A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes.A tese objetiva examinar a responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro pelos crimes perpetrados por agentes estatais, no contexto do regime militar (1964-1985), a partir da jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (Corte IDH). A análise considerará os precedentes normativos e jurisdicionais que embasaram as condenações do Estado brasileiro nos casos Julia Gomes Lund e outros vs. Brasil (2010) e Vladimir Herzog e outros vs. Brasil (2018). Em um primeiro momento, vislumbra-se apresentar o cenário de emergência das normativas internacionais relacionadas à responsabilidade penal dos indivíduos e à responsabilidade dos Estados. Uma vez apresentado o panorama normativo global, será elencado o case law da Corte IDH referente às graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas, de modo sistemático e massivo, por meio dos aparatos burocráticos de poder estatais. Conforme será aventado, apenas em casos específicos, a Corte IDH utiliza conceitos atinentes ao direito penal internacional como base interpretativa das obrigações consubstanciadas na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, construindo um verdadeiro diálogo entre esse ramo do direito e a normativa dos direitos humanos. Finalmente, a pesquisa se concentrará nos supracitados julgados, separados por quase uma década, mas que possuem em comum o contexto no qual os fatos dos casos ocorreram. Destacadamente, o caso Herzog traz em seu bojo a qualificação dos crimes contra a humanidade – um passo significativo, em relação ao caso Gomes Lund, para ativistas e operadores do direito no âmbito doméstico. Sob esse viés, o presente trabalho pretende investigar em que medida o enquadramento dos crimes contra a humanidade possui o condão de fortalecer as iniciativas em prol da responsabilidade criminal dos agentes do regime ditatorial e de ensejar a contestação de estruturas e práticas repressivas ainda vigentes. / [en] The thesis aims to analyze the international responsibility of the Brazilian State for crimes perpetrated by State agents, in the context of the military regime (1964-1985), based on the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACourtHR). The analysis will consider the normative and jurisdictional cases that served as precedents to the Brazilian State s convictions in the cases Julia Gomes Lund et al. vs. Brazil (2010) and Vladimir Herzog et al. vs. Brazil (2018). Initially, will be presented the emergency scenario of international regulations related to the criminal responsibility of individuals and the responsibility of States. Once the global normative panorama is presented, will be introduced the case law of the Inter-American Court regarding the serious violations of human rights perpetrated, in a systematic and massive way, through the bureaucratic apparatus of State power. As will be explained, only in specific cases, the Inter-American Court uses concepts of international criminal law as an interpretive basis for the obligations embodied in the American Convention of Human Rights, building a dialogue between this area of Law and the human rights normative. Finally, the research will focus on the aforementioned judgments, separated by almost a decade, but which share the context in which the facts of the cases occurred. Notably, the Herzog s case considers the qualification of crimes against humanity – a significant step, in relation to the Gomes Lund s case, for activists and legal practitioners in the domestic sphere. Under this bias, the present work intends to investigate to what extent the framing of crimes against humanity has the power to strengthen initiatives in favor of the criminal responsibility of the agents of the dictatorial regime and the contestation of repressive structures and practices still valid.

In the perilous waters of the Mediterranean Sea, migrants find themselves facing limited choices when in distress. Their options are stark: either to rely on the lifesaving efforts of Non- Governmental Organisations (NGO) aid workers conducting Search and Rescue (SAR) Operations, to be intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard (LCG) and subsequently detained in Libya where their human rights are gravely violated, or to face the tragic fate of perishing at sea. Unfortunately, the criminalisation of SAR Operations, spearheaded by NGO aid workers, hinders the rescue of migrants, thereby exacerbating the risks they face and leaving them vulnerable to interception by the LCG. This interception, as argued in this thesis, inevitably leads to the perpetration of Crimes Against Humanity (CAH) against these vulnerable migrants. This thesis sheds light on the issue of Italy’s increasing criminalisation and vilification of humanitarian aid workers engaged in SAR missions in the Mediterranean Sea. It critically examines the consequences of such criminalisation on the lives and rights of migrants, exploring the complex dynamics between SAR Operations, interception by the LCG, and the commission of CAH. Drawing upon a comprehensive lens of interpretation that integrates legal analysis, human rights principles, and the international legal framework, this study concludes that criminalisation of SAR operations is indeed a contributing factor towards the CAH faced by migrants in Libya. Moreover, it identifies the potential liability of Italian State Officials (ISO) at the International Criminal Court (ICC) for their role in enacting legislations that effectively criminalises SAR operations.

Derek Parfit är kanske en av vår tids mest kända moralfilosofer. Parfit inleder sin första bok Reasons and Persons med att ställa frågan: vad har vi mest skäl att göra? Hans fråga berör vad som egentligen har betydelse, en fråga som han fortsätter att beröra i sin andra bok On What Matters. Filosofen Toby Ord argumenterar i sin bok The Precipice för att den utmaning som definierar vår tid, och bör ha en central prioritering, är utmaningen att skydda mänskligheten emot så kallade existentiella risker. En existentiell risk är en typ av risk som hotar att förstöra, eller förhindra, mänsklighetens långsiktiga potential. Ord menar att vi idag befinner oss vid en kritisk tidpunkt i mänsklighetens historia som kan vara helt avgörande för om det ens kommer existera en framtid för mänskligheten. Men om vi bör skydda mänskligheten emot existentiella risker, så kan en lämplig följdfråga vara i vilken ordning vi bör prioritera olika existentiella risker. Den svenske filosofen Nick Bostrom har liksom Ord länge förespråkat att existentiella risker bör tas på allvar. Han menar att preventiva åtgärder bör vidtas. I sin bok Superintelligens argumenterar Bostrom, både omfattande och väl, för att den existentiella risk som kan te sig som mest brådskande, och kanske allvarligast, är artificiell intelligens. Bostrom menar att vi har goda skäl att tro att utveckling av artificiell intelligens kan eskalera till den grad att mänsklighetens öde kan hamna bortom vår egen kontroll. Det han syftar på är att människan just nu är den dominerande agenten på jorden och därför innehar en stor kontroll, men att så inte alltid behöver vara fallet. Bostroms tes kunde te sig som okonventionell då den presenterades, men kan även te sig så idag vid en första anblick. Han har dock fått explicit medhåll av personer som Bill Gates, Stephen Hawking, Elon Musk, Yuval Noah Harari och Max Tegmark, som antingen håller med eller resonerar i liknande banor. Även jag själv finner Bostroms antaganden välgrundade. Slutsatsen som många drar är därför att vi bör betrakta artificiell intelligens som en existentiell risk som ska prioriteras högt. Jag kommer dock i denna text att argumentera för tesen att vi inte bör betrakta artificiell intelligens som en existentiell risk. Tesen följer från en invändning som jag kommer att kalla för AI-paradoxen. Det tycks enligt invändningen som att artificiell intelligens inte kan leda till en existentiell katastrof givet vissa premisser som flera i debatten om artificiell intelligens tycks acceptera. Texten i uppsatsen är strukturerad på följande sätt. I avsnitt 2 kommer jag att återge det övergripande argumentet som cirkulerar i debatten om artificiell intelligens som ett hot. I avsnittet kommer jag också förklara några viktiga termer och begrepp. I avsnitt 3 börjar jag med att titta på den första premissen i argumentet, samt resonera om dess rimlighet. I avsnitt 4 går jag sedan vidare till den andra premissen i argumentet och gör samma sak med den. Väl i avsnitt 5 så väljer jag att presentera min egen idé som jag kallar för AI-paradoxen, vilket är en invändning mot argumentet. I avsnitt 6 diskuterar jag sedan AI-paradoxens implikationer. Avslutningsvis, i avsnitt 7, så ger jag en övergripande sammanfattning och en slutsats, samt några sista reflektioner. / Derek Parfit is perhaps one of the most famous moral philosophers of our time. Parfit begins his first book Reasons and Persons by asking the question: what do we have most reason to do? His question touches upon what really matters, a question he continues to touch upon in his second book On What Matters. The philosopher Toby Ord argues in his book The Precipice that the challenge that defines our time, and should have a central priority, is the challenge of safeguarding humanity from so-called existential risks. An existential risk is a type of risk that threatens to destroy, or prevent, humanity’s longterm potential. Ord means that today we are at a critical time in the history of humanity that can be absolutely decisive for whether there will even exist a future for humanity. But if we are to safeguard humanity from existential risks, then an appropriate question may be in what order we should prioritize different existential risks. The Swedish philosopher Nick Bostrom, like Ord, has long advocated that existential risks should be taken seriously. He believes that preventive measures should be taken. In his book Superintelligence Bostrom argues, both extensively and well, that the existential risk that may seem most urgent, and perhaps most severe, is artificial intelligence. Bostrom believes that we have good reason to believe that the development of artificial intelligence can escalate to the point that the fate of humanity can end up beyond our own control. What he is referring to is that humans are currently the dominant agent on earth and therefore has great control, but that this does not always have to be the case. Bostrom's thesis may have seemed unconventional when it was presented, but it can also seem so today at first glance. However, he has been explicitly supported by people like Bill Gates, Stephen Hawking, Elon Musk, Yuval Noah Harari and Max Tegmark, who either agree or reason similarly. I myself also find Bostrom's assumptions well-founded. The conclusion that many draw is therefore that we should regard artificial intelligence as an existential risk that should be given a high priority. However, in this text I will argue for the thesis that we should not regard artificial intelligence as an existential risk. The thesis follows from an objection of my own, which I call the AI ​​paradox. According to the objection, it seems that artificial intelligence cannot lead to an existential catastrophe given certain premises that many in the debate about artificial intelligence as a threat seem to accept. The text in the essay is structured as follows. In section 2 I will present the main argument circulating in the debate about artificial intelligence as a threat. In the section I will also explain some important terms and concepts. In section 3 I begin by looking at the first premise in the argument, and also reason about its plausibility. In section 4 I proceed to the second premise in the argument and examine it similarly. Once in section 5 I choose to present my own idea, which I call the AI ​​paradox, which is an objection to the argument. In section 6 I discuss the implications of the AI ​​paradox. Finally, in section 7, I give an overall summary and a conclusion, as well as some last reflections.

An African Perspective on Poverty Proverbs in the Book of Proverbs: An Analysis for Transformational Possibilities. This thesis contributes to the emerging global scholarly discussion on prioritising the practical relevance of biblical interpretation, particularly in Africa. Taking poverty as a case study, this thesis employs the notion of the popular social origin of proverbs to critically analyse the subject in the Book of Proverbs. A social anthropological approach, historical-critical methods, rhetorical criticism and contextual exegesis are used to analyse proverbs regarding the poor in the Book of Proverbs and African proverbial material. On one hand, the investigation reveals that many Western scholars take their cue from the `official' social context of the Book of Proverbs. However, the impact of an unconscious subjectivity owing to the Western secularising influence on their studies into poverty has posited a conservative status quo in the way the Book of Proverbs addresses it. On the other hand, an investigation of similar traditional African proverbial material on the poor reveals a holistic transformative possibility. Its life-centred dynamism is located in an integrative worldview that comprises mutual assistance, collective responsibility, family, community, social, political, religious and economic networks as one whole. Because cultural parallels exist between the society of ancient Israel and traditional African societies, the thesis argues the use of the African proverbial performance context in the interpretation of proverbs concerning the poor in the Book of Proverbs. The result of such cross-cultural application highlights the possible transformative social, economic, political and religious supportive networks essential to a viable and sustainable holistic development of society. Consequently, such a holistic approach to poverty may enable Bible readers to make meaning and empower the will of African Christians to rise practically to the challenge of poverty eradication in all spheres of their lives. A caution also to the universal church is to be found in the fact that the Book of Proverbs made an essential contribution to the transformation of the social, economic, political and religious life of Israel. Approaching the Book of Proverbs in terms of a popular context is a fact that can no longer be simply ignored. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D.Th.