This study analyzes Colombia's current process of reintegrating former combatants into civil society. By employing four different citizenship perspectives constructed as ideal types it is shown how issues such as participation, political influence and the relation between rights and obligations are being addressed in the Colombian reintegration program. By relating these findings to current debates on the relation between security and development in DDR research, the study aims to reconcile the hitherto rather separated but yet intimately related discourses of DDR and citizenship. The analysis of the Colombian program gives a multifaceted picture of the country’s reintegration process where several citizenship perspectives are discerned in various and sometimes overlapping ways. Beyond contributing to an enhanced understanding of the Colombian process, the study illustrates the numerous ways in which diverging citizenship perspectives may be incorporated into a wider framework of peace and state-building and the potential tensions that are discerned in different approaches to DDR.

Setting out from the works of Max Weber and Karl Polanyi, this chapter outlines a sociology of economic constitutionalism. The starting point is a functional definition of economic constitution as the law constituting the market order, no matter if it is public or private, national or international, official or informal law. Economic constitutionalism is understood as a system of thought, which emphasises the role of a liberal economic constitution in integrating the global economy. Adapting Weber's ideal-typical method, the economic constitution is conceived as a constitutional ideal type, next to juridical constitution, political constitution, social constitution, and security constitution. Sociologically speaking, these ideal types capture different constitutional rationalities, which are all culturally significant but not equally successful in the global age. Drawing on Polanyi's work, which exposes the self-regulating market as an artefact of economic thinking, the argument proceeds by highlighting the constitutive role of economics in constructing the law of the globalised market society. After economic law came to be embedded in national welfare states in the twentieth century, economic constitutionalism furthers the opening up of national laws and economies. In contrast to the rule of law, the rule of the market is inherently transnational in character.

The purpose of this essay is that through idea analysis and ideal types examines if the EU changed the kind of peace they seek to promote to confirm or falsify Magnus Jernecks thesis that the meaning of peace change depend on the context. I will be making two comparison points, the first at the peace projects start in the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the second in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). My ideal types that I have chosen are the idealistic perspective of peace, the justice peace perspective and the perspective of balance of power which has constituted a main line when it comes to issues of war and peace. My research question is linked to my ideal types and reads - is the peace that ECSC and ENP promote: 1) a peace of the idealistic perspective, 2) a peace of the justice perspective, 3) a peace of the balance of power perspective. I seek the answer of these questions in two types of documents. The Schuman declaration which is directed to answer the question ECSC and the report Wider Europe – Neighbourhood: a new framework for relations with our Eastern and Southern neighbors which is directed to answer the question ENP. The results of the study shows that the EU was intended to promote a different kind of peace within the ECSC than the ENP. The ECSC seek to promote a peace of justice and a peace of the balance of power perspective. With ENP they seek to promote a peace of justice and the idealistic peace perspective. This can give a result that EU loses its trustworthiness as a peace-builder if one is not clear when this change occurs.

The notion of climate tipping points (CTP:s) has gained traction in academia. Unravelling the intricate weave of views in the discourses surrounding CTP:s can be helpful to structure the views in the discursive fabric of climate tipping points and in turn get a better understanding of the views surrounding the phenomenon. This study aims to clarify the different views on climate tipping points by creating a set of distinct ideal types based on the scientific literature surrounding CTP:s. Furthermore, we analyse these views and reflect on their relationship and functions through textual analysis. The analysis yielded four reoccurring, interconnected themes: Knowledge, View on (Ir)reversibility, Risk and Action. Using these themes, we created four ideal types to help intellectually structure the weave of differing views. Furthermore, we found that the relationship between the views on these themes and the acceptance of climate tipping points often is convertibly indicative. The analysis of the literature also revealed that CTP:s have much in common with climate change in large and reifies the urgency, risk implications, uncertainties, and suggested actions expressed in broader climate change literature. A key insight is that accepting CTP:s is not pivotal for voicing strong concerns about climate change but rather they may serve as a metaphoric tool for scientists in communicating climate change issues. / Begreppet climate tipping points (CTP:s) har fått ökande utrymme inom akademin. Att nysta upp den invecklade väven av synsätt inom diskurserna kring CTP:s kan vara till hjälp för att strukturera synsätten på fenomenet och i sin tur få en bättre förståelse för dem. Denna studie syftar till att göra detta genom att skapa en uppsättning distinkta idealtyper baserade på karaktärsdrag från ett urval av den vetenskapliga litteraturen kring CTP:s. Dessutom analyserar vi dessa åsikter och reflekterar över deras relation och funktioner genom att tillämpa en tematisk textanalys. Analysen resulterade i fyra återkommande och sammankopplade teman: Kunskap, Synen på (ir)reversibilitet, Risk och Åtgärder. Med hjälp av dessa teman skapade vi fyra idealtyper ämnade att bidra till att intellektuellt strukturera väven av olika synsätt. Vi fann även att förhållandet mellan synen på dessa teman och accepterandet av CTP:s ofta är indikativt omvändbart. Analysen av litteraturen visade också att CTP:s har mycket gemensamt med klimatförändringar i stort och understryker dess brådskande karaktär, risker, osäkerheter och föreslagna åtgärder som uttrycks i litteraturen rörande klimatförändringar. En nyckelinsikt är att acceptansen för CTP:s inte är avgörande för att uttrycka stark angelägenhet för klimatfrågor, utan snarare att de kan fungera som ett metaforiskt verktyg för forskare att kommunicera klimatfrågor med.

Based on the concept of path-dependence, this thesis examines regional representatives’ notion of rationalizations in three Swedish regions. In the provinces of Skåne and Västra Götaland the responsibility for welfare issues like health care, regional development, communications, and culture, is appointed to the two organizations Region Skåne and Västra Götalandsregionen. Both organizations are results of merger processes between old organizations called landsting, with a smaller geographical scale and less responsibility. In Svealand three landsting formally have applied for a similar fusion like the ones in Skåne and in Västra Götaland. The idea behind these fusions is that rationalizations in the field of welfare, are achieved by changing the scale of production, from lesser to larger units. This thesis shows that the perceived effect of rationalization by fusion, can take time. Old norms, values, and cultures that emanate from the landsting are for example conceived by the regional representatives in Västra Götaland and in Svealand, to prevent what kind of rationalizations the organizations are able to accomplish. In Skåne, on the contrary, the notion that the regional organization has overcome its historically defined problems, dominate. In that sense, Västra Götalandregionen and the region-building process in Svealand are path-dependent. But Region Skåne, on the other hand, has overcome its historical institutional legacy. This thesis highlights the importance of examining organization histories to be able to understand why certain decisions are hard to make, and why institutions evolve or not. This is also important to acknowledge when the regions’ representatives try to construct regions. From this perspective, the thesis tries to clarify how people’s expectations can delay what kind of rationalizations an organization can implement and how these expectations seem to legitimize what decisions the organization are able to take. The thesis also tries to clarify one way of using the concept of “path-dependence” in academic studies by the usage of ideal types.

The last ten years two major movies about journalists have been made in Sweden; Sprängaren and Män som hatar kvinnor. This study has looked closer at the heroine Annika Bengtsson and the hero Mikael Blomkvist from these two movies. Since movies do have great influence on how we see the world it is important to find out how these characters are being portrayed. Also, in a time when journalism is about to become a female dominant occupation it is relevant to see how the female journalist compares to the male. It is important to ensure that the films do not give a wrongful picture of male and female journalists. Women should not only be an inferior object, and the man should not be a dominant and macho-man. In our study we found that these movies have come a long way from the stereotypes of men and women that the audience has become used to. The male hero has a soft side and needs help from a strong female character to manage while the female hero is a strong woman who can manage on her own. And it is their ability to step away from the stereotypes that in the end helps them get the scoop and defeat their antagonists.

The aim of this essay is to clarify if there is an ideological difference within the political area of foreign policy of the United States. The question that will be answered is: Is the American foreign policy coloured by different ideologies, or has that area of politics become an arena without ideology differences? In order to answer the question, the method used in this essay is idea analysis using ideal types as analytical instrument. The texts that are being analysed are the State of the Union Addresses of four American presidents. The presidents are Carter, Reagan, Bush and Clinton and each president give this speech once a year. The presidents are chosen due to the fact that their presidencies follow each other and are as recently in time as possible. After analysing all of the speeches and considering the surrounding circumstances, like the Cold War, I came to the conclusion that there is no ideological difference within foreign policy of the United States of America. Some areas of foreign policy, however, show more or less connotations to either idealism or realism. Even tough ideology plays a part; there is no difference between the liberal party and the conservative party.

Syfte: Syftet med denna undersökning är att bidra med ökad kunskap om forskningsfälten kriskommunikation och nation branding. Vi intresserar oss för att undersöka mottagarens upplevelse av Sveriges hantering av covid-19 och om det kan komma att förändra människors uppfattningar om Sverige som nation och varumärke.  Frågeställningar: För att uppnå studiens syfte kommer vi arbeta utifrån följande frågeställningar:  ●  Hur uppfattar norrmännen som urvalet består av, att Sveriges krishantering vid covid-19 skötts?  ●  Vilka mediekanaler har varit viktiga för att forma bilden av Sveriges krishantering?  ●  Har urvalets bild av krishanteringen förändrat hur de uppfattar Sverige som nation och varumärke? I sådana fall, på vilket sätt?  ●  Går det att hitta skillnader hos dessa personer som gör att det går att urskilja idealtyper? Vilka egenskaper kännetecknas de i sådana fall av?  Teori: De teorier uppsatsen grundar sig i är: nation branding, public diplomacy, kriskommunikation, the situational crisis communication theory, tvåstegshypotesen, det hybrida mediesystemet och receptionsanalys.  Metod: Undersökningen är baserad på kvalitativ metod då dess tillvägagångssätt för datainsamling är kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer. Vi ville nå respondenternas livsvärld för att få en djupare inblick i deras resonemang, erfarenheter och upplevelser kring Sveriges krishantering vid covid-19. Vi var även intresserade att få veta mer om deras generella uppfattningar om Sverige som nation och varumärke, och om den bilden av Sverige har förändrats med anledning av Sveriges krishantering av covid-19.  Urval: Undersökningen har avgränsats till att urvalet består av norrmän, som tillhör generation Y och Z. Då vi ville åt utomståendes uppfattningar om Sveriges krishantering av covid-19, valdes norrmän ut utifrån dess tillgänglighet sett till språk och närhet, men även eftersom Norge hanterat denna pandemi annorlunda jämfört med Sverige.  Resultat: Undersökningens resultat och analys resulterade i att två idealtyper identifierades i urvalet. Vi kallar dem för Sverige-skeptiker och Sverige-optimister. Sverige-skeptikerna präglas av en kritisk inställning till Sveriges hantering av covid-19 och Sverige-optimisterna är i många fall Sverige-skeptikernas motsats. Sverige- optimisterna präglas av en positiv inställning till Sveriges hantering av covid-19. Gemensamt för de två idealtyperna är att deras uppfattningar om Sverige inte har förändrats med anledning av covid-19, deras tidigare uppfattningar har därmed förstärkts. / Purpose: The aim of this study is to contribute with increased knowledge about the research field crisis communication and nation branding. We are interested in studying the recipients' experience of Sweden ́s management of covid-19 and whether it may change people's perceptions of Sweden as a nation and brand.  Research issues: To achieve the purpose of the study, we will work on the basis of the following issues:  ●  How does the norwegians that the selection consist of, perceive that Sweden ́s crisis management of covid-19 has been handled?  ●  Which media channels have been important in shaping the image of Sweden's crisis management?  ●  Has the selections image of crisis management changed how they perceive Sweden as a nation and a brand? If so, in what way?  ●  Is it possible to find differences in these people that makes it possible to pick out ideal types, which attributes are they characterized by?  Theory: The theories that the study will be based on is: nation branding, public diplomacy, crisis communication, the situational crisis communication theory, the two-step hypothesis, the hybrid media system and reception analysis  Method: The survey is based on a qualitative method as its data collection approach is qualitative semi- structured interviews. We wanted to reach the respondent ́s reality to get a deeper insight into their reasoning, experiences and events around Sweden's crisis management at covid-19. We were also interested in learning more about their general perceptions of Sweden as a nation and brand, and whether that image of Sweden has changed due to Sweden's crisis management of covid-19.  Selection: We have limited the selection to consist of norwegians who belong to generation Y and Z. We wanted to obtain outsiders' perceptions of Sweden ́s crisis management of covid-19, norwegians were selected based on their accessibility in terms of language and closeness, but also because Norway has handled this pandemic differently compared to Sweden.  Results: The results and analysis of the survey resulted in two ideal types being identified in the sample. We call them Sweden skeptics and Sweden optimists. The Sweden skeptics are characterized by a critical attitude to Sweden's handling of covid-19 and the Sweden optimists are in many cases the opposite of the Sweden skeptics. The Sweden optimists are characterized by a positive attitude towards Sweden's handling of covid- 19. Common to the two ideal types is that their perceptions of Sweden have not changed due to covid-19, however, their existing perceptions have therefore been strengthened.

The United Nation’s mandate to engineer international peacecraft is correlated with the promotion of universal human rights. Universal human rights are held to apply consistently to everyone everywhere without conceivable exception. There is some debate as to whether universal human rights possibly exist. This debate centers around two difficulties: 1) the task of identifying a single trait or capability that all human beings necessarily share, and 2) the task of relating human rights to this trait or capability. Conventional epistemic justifications defending the existence of universal human rights attempt to address both difficulties. However, they have become the focus of numerous criticisms. By conducting systematizing and critically reviewing text analyses, I will conclude that conventional epistemic justifications are unable to refute standard criticisms satisfactorily. In their place, I will introduce an epistemic justification from the philosophy of mind. I will attempt to demonstrate that this justification is capable of 1) identifying a single trait that all human beings necessarily share, 2) relating human rights to this trait, and 3) satisfactorily refuting the standard criticisms raised against conventional epistemic theories. I have produced this paper in the hope of further legitimizing the UN’s mandate to engineer international peacecraft by providing a more philosophically optimal justification of claims affirming the existence of universal human rights.

Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre un paradoxe : les États-providence les plus généreux, façonnés par des partis sociaux-démocrates, sont financés par des taxes beaucoup plus régressives que les États-providence les moins généreux où les partis de droite, plus souvent au pouvoir, mettent en place une taxation plus progressive. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, ce mémoire débute en analysant les pressions induites par la mondialisation des capitaux sur la taxation. Ensuite, le mémoire explore les causes institutionnelles des régimes fiscaux en effectuant une revue de la littérature analytique. Ces contraintes institutionnelles et fonctionnelles sur le comportement et les préférences des acteurs politiques permettent de définir trois idéaux-types de régimes fiscaux. Ces idéaux-types cadrent avec la typologie des régimes d’État-providence d’Esping-Andersen. En regroupant des typologies sur les régimes fiscaux et les régimes d’État-providence, ce mémoire souligne que le financement des politiques publiques représente une composante cruciale de l’économie politique de l’État-providence. / This thesis is about a paradox: the most generous welfare states, built by social-democratic parties, are financed by more regressive taxes than residual welfare states, which are funded by progressive taxes, despite the fact that they are governed by right parties more often. To understand this paradox, this thesis starts by analysing the pressures that globalisation puts on taxation. Then, the thesis reviews the literature of political science research on taxation to understand the institutional origins of distinct tax regimes. Three ideal types of tax regimes are defined by the study of institutional and functional constraints on political actors’ preferences and behaviour. These ideal types fit with Esping-Andersen’s typology of welfare states regimes. By regrouping typologies on tax and welfare regimes, this thesis explores the link between revenues and expenses while showing that the funding of public policies is a crucial feature of the political economy of welfare states.