Orientador: Ulbaldo Silveira / Banca: Mário José Filho / Banca: Helen Barbosa Raiz Engler / Banca: Armando Pereira Antônio / Banca: Wlaumir Doniseti de Souza / Resumo: O estudo aqui apresentado é uma investigação a respeito da cidadania. Inicialmente nossa análise se baseia num enfoque sócio-histórico-conceitual, uma vez que refletimos sobre a origem e evolução da cidadania numa perspectiva histórica, tanto no âmbito mundial quanto nacional. Ademais, apresentamos, laconicamente, alguns aspectos da cidade onde efetuamos o trabalho de campo e posteriormente analisamos o conceito de cidadania. Em seguida, nossa abordagem se consubstanciou em perquirir sobre as dificuldades e possibilidades de existência da cidadania, no espaço público e privado, para famílias de classes populares. Para tanto, baseamo-nos em depoimentos e nas condições sociais de seis famílias moradoras num bairro periférico da cidade de Presidente Prudente. O presente estudo tem como fio condutor a análise da ideologia relacional – que faz parte da cultura popular - e à sobrevivência material dos sujeitos desta pesquisa. Assim, os principais empecilhos para existir cidadania, na esfera privada, se devem à presença dominante da referida ideologia, juntamente com as inúmeras privações de ordem material, às quais destacamos àquelas que se circunscrevem à moradia e ao bairro periférico. No tocante às possibilidades de haver cidadania, no espaço privado, enfoca o poder feminino, com a dimensão afetiva e a questão da solidariedade. Contudo, a cidadania não é realizada em razão da unilateralidade do poder feminino; pelo fato da esfera afetiva contribuir e reforçar tendências assimétricas em ambos os cônjuges e; somente a solidariedade não é suficiente para se garantir cidadania. Com relação à cidadania no espaço público, os obstáculos são infinitamente maiores do que as possibilidades para a sua realização, seja pela cultura política do favor (que tem afinidade com a ideologia relacional), seja pela presença marcante da ideologia relacional, da opressão e exploração no espaço do trabalho. / Abstract: The study present here is an investigation about citizenship. Initially our analysis is based on social-historical conceptual focus, since qe hare reflected on the origin and evolution of the citizenship on a perspective, as on the word as on the national ambit. Moreover, we present laconically some aspects of the city where we have performed the field work and afterwards we have analyzed the citizenship concept. Afterwards, our broach is consubstantiated on the analysis respecting the difficulties and possibilities of the citizenship existence, at the public and private space for the popular class families. For this, we have based on the declaration and the social conditions of six families who live in the peripherical district in the city of Presidente Pr. The present study has as a conductor thread the analysis about the relational ideology that is related to the popular culture – and the material survival of the subjects on this research. Thus, the main hindrances to make citizenship exist on private sphere, is due to the dominant present of referred ideology along with the numberless privations of material sort, which we emphasize the ones that are encircled to the housing and the peripherical district. Concerning the possibilities to have citizenship, on the private space, it is related whit the feminine power, with the affective dimension and the matter of solidarity. However, the citizenship isn’t performed in reason for the unilaterality of the feminine power; for the fact of the affective sphere contribute and reinforce asymmetrical in both married people and; only solidarith isn’t enough to guarantee citizenship. Concerning the citizenship on the public space, the obstacles are infinitely bigger than the possibilities for its relation, as for the political culture of the favor (that has affinity with the relational ideology) as for the remarkable presence of the relational ideology, the oppression and exploration on the work space. / Doutor

O presente estudo propôs a identificação das determinações da avaliação da educação superior, com recorte na formação em Educação Física, utilizando-se das categorias do materialismo histórico e dialético. As ideologias do Capital Humano e do Capital Social e seus teóricos serviram como mediadoras dessa análise. Para tanto, utilizamo-nos do fenômeno da globalização e seus conseqüentes reflexos na sociedade brasileira em geral e na educação superior em particular. Os modelos de avaliação foram aqui examinados até a atualidade, bem como seus desdobramentos na formação em Educação Física e seu respectivo campo de trabalho, com algumas experiências ocorridas em nosso território. Tendo como caminho as propostas avaliativas, os aspectos históricos da constituição da Educação Física, os instrumentos de avaliação atuais, as avaliações internas produzidas na UFRJ e UFF e o aprofundamento das ideologias do CH e do CS, acreditamos ter evidenciado o fio condutor do estabelecimento de uma cultura conformadora e justificadora da exploração da população pelo capitalismo que acaba por ser abraçada por parcelas de professores de Educação Física quando se alinham de forma irrefletida aos modelos de avaliação. Apontamos a possibilidade de uma ação contra-hegemônica por um caminho politizador no interior das instituições escolares, em todos os seus níveis e com todos os seus atores, passando pelos movimentos sindicais e chegando principalmente à Universidade / The present study aimed at identifying the requirements of the evaluation of higher education, with cutout on training in physical education, using the categories of dialectical and historical materialism. The ideologies of Human Capital and Social Capital theorists and served as mediators of this analysis. For both, so the phenomenon of globalization and its consequential impact on Brazilian society in General and higher education in particular. The evaluation models were examined until nowadays, as well as their implications on training in physical education and its field of work, with a few experiences that have occurred in our territory. With the way evaluative proposals, the historical aspects of the Constitution of physical education, the current assessment tools, internal assessments produced at UFRJ and UFF and the deepening of CH and CS, we believe have evidenced the guiding principle of the establishment of a culture forming and justifying the exploitation of the population by capitalism which turns out to be embraced by plots of physical education teachers when align so unreflective evaluation models. We point out the possibility of a counter-hegemonic action by a political day path within the educational institutions, in all its levels and with all his actors, through the trade union movements and coming primarily to University

自古以來，八咫鏡、草薙劍、八坂瓊勾玉之三種神器被視為日本王權的象徵。在日本文學中，關於三種神器的描述也不少。其實，關於鏡、劍、玉的記載在中國文學中早已出現，鏡、劍、玉各自背後皆有其涵義。另根據儒教與道教經典，可瞭解中國王權思想與「天」的思想有所關連，而天的思想也對中國的王權造成莫大影響。因此在論及日本王權思想之時，必須追溯至中國古代天的思想。 　　日本王權應如何以神道的觀點解釋呢？眾所周知，日本天皇思想中蘊含著「萬世一系」的思想，身為天照大神子孫的天皇因而世世代代可統治這個國家。事實上，在《古事記》與《日本書紀》中，對此「天壤無窮的神諭」已有著墨，而三種神器也成為遵守此神諭之象徵。 　　本論文以古代及中世日本文學闡明三種神器的起源與意義，再從比較思想的觀點，探討三種神器與日本王權思想及中國思想三者間之關聯。最後再從日本神道之觀點，論述以三種神器為象徵之日本王權思想。期藉以上研究方法，釐清中日兩國思想之異同，進而理解日本固有的神道思想。 / The Imperial Regalia of Japan consists of the sword Kusanagi no Tsurugi, the mirror Yata no Kagami, and the jewel Yasakani no Magatama. From ancient times, they have been regarded as the symbol of power, which belongs to Emperors of Japan. There are quite a few descriptions about the Imperial Regalia of Japan in Japanese literature as well. Actually, the thought of mirror, sword and jewel has already been described in Chinese literature, and each of them has their own meanings. In addition, according to the books of Confucianism and Daoism, the ideology of the emperor of China is relative to the thought of “sky,” and the thought of sky also greatly influenced the power of Chinese emperors. Therefore, it is necessary to trace back to the thought of sky in ancient China while mentioning the ideology of the Emperor of Japan. How should the power of the Emperor of Japan be explained by means of Shinto? As everyone knows, emperors of Japan rule the country as descendants of Amaterasu due to the ideology of the emperors’ unbroken line. Actually, the proof of it is called “Tenjo Mukyu no Shinchoku”, which has already shown in “Kojiki” and “Nihon Shoki.” It means the oracle, which is as eternal as heaven and earth, and the Imperial Regalia of Japan just became the symbol of the oracle. In this thesis, literatures of ancient Japan and medieval Japan will be used to describe the origins and meanings of the Imperial Regalia of Japan. Next, I will manage to explore the connection between the Imperial Regalia of Japan, ideology of Japanese emperor and Chinese ideology from a comparative point of view, and expound the ideology of the emperor of Japan symbolized by Imperial Regalia of Japan. By means of the above research method, the ideology of Japan and China is expected to be clarified in order to know more about the innate ideology of Japan — Shinto.

This study explores how participants respond to news coverage of the Trayvon Martin shooting based on their colorblind racial attitudes. The purpose of this study is to understand how people’s beliefs about the salience of race and racism, as well as how framing within news coverage, contributes to how people privately respond to racial events and their willingness to publicly express their views in discussions. Participants answered questions about their racial ideology, their views about the role of race in the Trayvon Martin shooting, and whether or not they were willing to express these views in a discussion after reading articles that either promotes an overtly colorblind view of the Trayvon Martin case, a race conscious view of the case, or only states the facts of the case (for the control condition). It was found that there were racial differences in how participants viewed the role of race in the Trayvon Martin shooting, even when controlling for racial ideology, and that beliefs in colorblind ideology impacted views of the Trayvon Martin case and willingness to discuss it, with participants with race conscious views that were shown an article that presented the case from a colorblind perspective reporting being less willing to discuss their views on the case compared to those shown an article that presented the case from a race conscious perspective.

Le Pakistan est né après que l'autorité britannique ait cessé d'exister dans le sous-continent indien dans la nuit du 15 août 1947. Le territoire du Pakistan a été renommé "la République islamique du Pakistan" le 23 mars 1956, après la promulgation de sa première constitution. L’adjectif « islamique » ajouté son nom devait incité les gouvernements à employer des registres spécifiques impliquant l'utilisation de l’Islam pour gouverner la population. En conséquence, la constitution de 1956 créa la « Islamic Law Commission » (Commission des lois islamiques) pour recommander des mesures législatives pour donner naissance à une société islamique, et examiner les lois existantes. Après l'abrogation de la constitution en 1958, la constitution suivante rédigée par le gouvernement militaire du général Ayub Khan en 1962 a transformé cette « Islamic Law Commission» (la Commission de la Loi islamique) en un « Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil consultatif de l’idéologie islamique) avec les mêmes missions. Après l'abrogation de cette constitution en 1969, la constitution de 1973, rédigée par le gouvernement élu de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto et qui est toujours en vigueur, l'a modifié en un « Council of Islamic Ideology » (Conseil de l‘idéologie islamique) avec de nouvelles missions. Actuellement, le conseil of de l’idéologie islamique est une organisation constitutionnelle permanente et sa mission principale est d’examiner la conformité des lois avec le Coran et la Sunna, et recommander des mesures devant être promulguées comme des lois pour promouvoir le mode de vie islamique dans le pays. Le conseil envoyait ses recommandations aux gouvernements successifs « confidentiellement » jusquen 2005, date à laquelle elles sont devenues publiques. Ces rapports fournissent d’une part un aperçu des questions auxquelles la société fut confrontée au cours de la période concernée, et ils fournissent d’autre part des données pour examiner la « mentalité » cachée des gouvernements successifs en relation avec la mise en œuvre d’une politique islamique. Cette étude met également à jour les causes de la persistance du conseil dans les constitutions successives, son évolution en tant qu’institution, et le rôle joué par le Conseil de 1956 à 1988 dans la gouvernementalité. La période choisie pour l'étude est significative dans le sens où les Pakistanais avaient hésité entre le gouvernement indirectement élu du Président Iskander Mirza, le gouvernement militaire du Général Ayub Khan avant d’élire finalement le gouvernement de Zulfikar Ali Bhutto avec le slogan de « socialisme Islamique » démis de ses fonctions par le général Zia ul Haq, autoproclamé « le soldat de l'Islam ». Cette étude s’appuie largement sur les comptes rendus du Conseil, en contrastant ses recommandations avec les législations qui ont été promulguées au nom de l’Islam, sur les archives de presse et les débats de l’assemblée législative. Elle conclut que l'existence du Conseil et son évolution en tant qu’institution montrent que le type de gouvernementalité qui utilisait l'Islam était semblable sous tous les gouvernements, indépendamment du fait qu'ils aient été directement élus, indirectement élus, ou bien des dictatures militaires. Elle démontre par ailleurs que les recommandations du Conseil ont non seulement joué un rôle important dans les législations qui ont été promulguées par les gouvernements successifs, mais qu’elles ont aussi eu un impact profond sur la cohésion même de la société pakistanaise dans les années qui ont suivi. / Pakistan came into being after the British rule ceased to exist in the Sub-continent at the night of August 15, 1947. This dominion of Pakistan was later renamed as ‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ on 23 March 1956 after the promulgation of its first indigenous constitution. This adverb Islamic to its name aspired from its governments to govern through specific registers which involved the use of Islam to govern population. Consequently, the constitution of 1956 provided the Islamic Laws Commission to recommend such measure that can be given legislative effect to make society Islamic and examine the existing laws. After abrogation of said constitution in 1958, the next constitution drafted by the military government of General Ayub Khan in 1962 renamed this body as Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology with likewise duties. After the abrogation of this constitution in 1969, the present constitution of 1973 drafted by the elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto renamed it as Council of Islamic Ideology with further increased duties. Presently Council of Islamic Ideology is a permanent constitutional body, and its duties are to examine the repugnancy of laws in the lights of Quran and Sunnah and recommend measures to be promulgated as legislations to promote Islamic way of life in the country. It used to send its recommendation to the respective governments ‘confidentially’ until 2005 when its earlier report since its creation were declared public formally. These reports on the one hand provide a glimpse into the issues faced by the society during those years and further provide an insight to look into the hidden mentality of respective government to govern through the politics of Islam. The study traces the causes of its persistence in the constitutions, evolution as an institution, and the role played by the Council from 1956 till 1988 in governmentality. The period selected for the study is significant in the sense that, Pakistan had vacillated between indirectly elected government of President Iskander Mirza, to military government of General Ayub Khan and elected government of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto with the slogan of ‘Islamic socialism’ to the military government of General Zia ul Haq, self-called ‘soldier of Islam’. This study draws extensively on the proceedings of the Council by contrasting its recommendations with the legislations that were promulgated on the name of Islam, newspaper archives and the legislative Assembly debates. It concludes that the existence of the Council and its evolution as an institution shows that governmentality of using Islam was alike during all the governments irrespective of the fact that they were directly elected, indirectly elected or the military governments. It further concludes that the recommendations of the Council played not just an important role in the legislations that were promulgated by the different governments but also impacted the basic fabric of the society in the following years.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / During the 20th century, production and labor flows across borders have increased the frequency of transnational constituted families. In the past, family configurations across borders were composed primarily of an immigrant male income-producer living apart from women and children who remained in the sending country. In contrast, in recent years more women are also leaving their loved ones behind in order to become their family’s main source of income. In many cases, women even leave their children to be cared for by their relatives. This social phenomenon is now known as transnational motherhood. In the U.S., transnational motherhood has become increasinly common, particulalry among women of Filipino and Latin American origins. The new trends of transnational motherhood, challenge mainstream western ideas about family configuration and in particular, about women’s maternal role. Whereas in Western cultures mothering is generally understood as a practice that involves the physical presence, nurturance and training of children for adulthood, transnational mothers generally choose physical separation in order to better their children material conditions. Consequently, transnational mothers may suffer as a result of social stigma and peer pressure of 'good mothering'. The present study examined the processes of meaning construction that serve to promote and negotiate motherhood identity and stigma management among Mexican mothers who left their children back in their country. In doing so, this study relied on theoretical frameworks about ideology, identity construction, social roles and stigma management.

Denna uppsats handlar om hur några av de redan etablerade partierna har bemött Feministiskt Initiativ och dess inträde i politiken och partiernas syn på jämställdhet och feminism.Vi har använt oss av kvalitativa metoder i form av intervjuer och datainsamling. Vi har intervjuat partier angående deras ideologi och bemötande samt vilka strategier de har antagit för att bemöta nischpartiet Feministiskt Initiativ. Vi har tittat närmare på Position, salience and ownership theory, PSO-teorin, för att se om partier har använt sig utav de strategier som nämns i teorin. Vi har även studerat hur tillkomsten av Feministiskt Initiativ har påverkat de etablerade partiernas prioriteringar och profilering i frågor om jämställdhet och feminism. Vi fokuserar också på tidigare forskning gällande feminismen.Partier ser annorlunda på feminism och på jämställdheten. Efter att ha intervjuat de utvalda partierna så syns det tydliga kopplingar till PSO-teorin. Vi har också studerat om partierna har satt feminism och jämställdhet högre upp på den politiska agendan sedan Feministiskt Initiativs intåg i politiken. / This essay is about how some of the already established parties have responded to the Feminist Initiative and it’s entry into politics and the parties' views on gender equality and feminism.We have used qualitative methods in the form of interviews and data collection. We interviewed the parties regarding their ideology and attitude as well as the strategies they have adopted to address niche party Feminist Initiative. We have looked at Position, salience and ownership, PSO-theory to see if the parties have used out the strategies significantly in theory. We also studied how the advent of the Feminist Initiative has affected the established parties' priorities and profiling the issues of gender equality and feminism. We also focus on earlier research on feminism.Parties look different on feminism and gender equality. After interviewing the desired parties it will show clear links with PSO-theory. We also studied whether the parties have put feminism and gender equality higher up on the political agenda since the Feminist Initiative's entry into politics.The original text is in Swedish.

No description available.

Relying on Lucien Goldmann's theory of genetic structuralism, this study examines the relationship between ideology (world vision) and the autobiographical form in South African writing. The five autobiographers selected for discussion represent different social groups in the South African social formation. The central argument of this thesis is that there is a relationship between autobiographical self-portraiture and the collective interests, values and attitudes of particular social groups in South Africa. Therefore, most South African autobiographies are more concerned with the articulation of collective consciousness than with the celebration of individual talents and achievements. Chapter 1 on Peter Abrahams explores the values underpinning the ideology of liberal humanism and their influence on the process of self-representation within the mode of autobiography. The second chapter examines the apparently contradictory conceptions of self-identity in Bloke Modisane's autobiography. Chapter three focuses on the conflict between Naboth Mokgatle's ethnic loyalty to the Bafokeng tribe and his newly acquired radical working class consciousness. The fourth chapter examines the liberal-Christian ideology in Alan Paton's two volumes of autobiography. The fifth and final chapter explores counter hegemonic modes of self-definition in Sindiwe Magona's two-volumed autobiography. In all the five chapters there is an attempt to link the authors' self-presentation to specific social classes or groups. The thesis argues for a literary-sociological approach to the analysis of autobiography and seeks to challenge the deconstructive theoretical perspectives on autobiography which, by rejecting the validity of humanist assumptions regarding human subjectivity, deny any possibility of meaningful socio-political action. / English Studies / D.Litt. et Phil. (English)

As a jpg-attachment to this record.