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This study aims to examine and observe the discourse around freedom within academia, morespecifically within research pertaining to the choice overload phenomenon. The study isqualitative in nature and would be best described as a discourse,- and ideology analysis. Thestudy observes the current discourse around choice overload and how the phenomenon ispresented and problematized. Furthermore the study aims to examine if there are anyideological influences in this area of research. The studies being analyzed are publishedbetween 2016 to the middle of 2018 and based around the keyword choice overload,. Theresults of this study show that recent research regarding choice overload is in overwhelmingmajority conducted by marketing and hence presented in a market-minded perspective. Thestudy also finds that there seems to exist an indication of two “perspectives” when it comes tothe researchers views on choice overload. In these study these perspectives are categorized byone having a more pragmatic, solution-oriented view in relation to the phenomenon and theother one being more sceptical to its existence at all. The conclusion brings mixed results,whereas while the study shows that there are prevalent tendencies to problematize and presentchoice overload from a profit seeking perspective as opposed to a general societal healthperspective, the controlled nature of the language used in research makes it hard to draw anyconcrete conclusions. The study ends on an encouraging note, leaving suggestions for furthermore in-depth research to contribute to this field of knowledge. / Denna studie syftar till att undersöka och observera diskursen kring valfrihet inom akademia,specifikt inom forskning kring fenomenet choice overload. Denna studie är kvalitativ till sinnatur och kan bäst beskrivas som en diskurs,- och ideologianalys. Studien observerardiskursen kring choice overload och hur fenomenet presenteras och problematiseras. Vidareämnar denna studie att examinera om det förekommer ideologiska strömningar inomforskningsfältet. De studier som analyseras är baserade kring nyckelordet choice overloadoch är publicerade mellan 2016 och första halvan av 2018. Resultaten av denna studie visaratt nylig forskning kring choice overload är dominerad av marknadsföring och därefterpresenterad ur ett marknadsekonomiskt perspektiv. Studien finner även att det tycks existeraen indikation av två olika “perspektiv” när det kommer till hur forskare ser på choiceoverload. I denna studie kategoriseras dessa perspektiv av att ena har en mer pragmatisk ochlösningsorienterad inställning gentemot fenomenet, medan det andra förhåller sig merskeptiska till fenomenets existens. Resultatet av studien är blandat, då fastän studien visar attdet finns tydliga tendenser att problematisera och presentera choice overload ur ettvinst-sökande perspektiv i motsats till ett folkhälso,- och samhällsperspektiv, så förhindrasstudien från att finna konkreta resultat på grund av det kontrollerade språket inom akademiskforskning och problematiken med allmän generalisering. Studien avslutas med förslag förvidare forskning för att bidra till kunskap kring ideologi inom akademia.

Walter Lippmann在一九二二年即已指出：媒介不斷地把外在世界塑造成個人腦海中的圖畫。其後，有關媒介建構現實的理論陸續出現，媒介反映現實的說法早已站不住腳。 　　千島湖事件發生後，國內媒體對其報導，無論數量之多、篇幅之大、標題之聳動、照片之煽情，都令人懷疑媒體有炒作新聞之嫌。此外，相關的新聞報導甚至出現了「統獨立場」、「兩岸交流」等議題，使得一件旅遊事故轉化為政治事件。是什麼因素造成這種現象？這個疑惑促成了這個研究。 　　本研究採用內容分析與情境分析兩種研究方法，兼顧量與質的研究，以國內發行的三家報紙－中國時報、聯合報、臺灣立報－做為研究對象，相互比較，以期瞭解國內媒體如何建構此一新聞事件，並藉以探討主流媒介與非主流媒介彼此之間是否存有差異。 　　研究發現：在相關報導的數量上，各媒體之間差異頗大；在刊登版面的處理上，主流媒體彼此之間無甚差異，但在主流媒體與非主流媒體之間則差異懸殊；在報導方式上，三報各不相同；對千島湖事件的詮釋，整體而言，主流媒體彼此之間無甚差異，但主流與非主流媒介之間，風格殊異；在消息來源方面，各媒體所用皆不相同；而消息來源對千島湖事件的詮釋，整體而言，政治人物與非政治人物之間，差異顯著。 　　總體結果顯示：主流媒體（中國時報與聯合報）較迎合政府的立場，兩者共同建構了媒介議題。但非主流媒體（臺灣立報），雖然在引用消息來源的比例上以政治人物較多，但也做了相當程度的批判，與主流媒體一味地引用，不盡相同。

The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.

Syfte Dagens teknik har medfört en explosion av nätbaserade sociala medier där bilder av träning och kroppar är ett tydligt fenomen. Syftet med detta arbete har varit att undersöka hur kroppsideal skapas och framställs på internet och framförallt sociala medier. Till hjälp användes frågeställningarna: Hur gestaltar manliga fitness-profiler sig själv och sina kroppar på den nätbaserade tjänsten Instagram? Finns det kopplingar mellan dessa profilers kroppsgestaltningar och specifika kroppsideologier? (Rosenmann & Kaplan, 2014) Metod Arbetet utfördes med netnografisk metod i grunden, en metod specifikt fokuserad på kvalitativ forskning av internet. Tre manliga fitnessprofiler samt fem av varje profils bilder valdes utifrån popularitet på Instagram för att granskas och analyseras i relation till kroppsideal. Resultat Bilderna hade gemensamma egenskaper då dessa, ofta i gymmiljö, visade avklädda, extremt muskulösa kroppar med fokus på framsidan av överkroppen. Skilda egenskaper förekom, dock inte i någon signifikant bemärkelse. Kroppsideologin metrosexuella-och konsumentmaskuliniteten (Rosenmann & Kaplan, 2014) präglade profilerna. Slutsatser Dessa fitnessprofilers framställning av sina kroppar stämde väl överens med dagens rådande muskulära kroppsideal som innefattar en slimmad, muskulös, väldefinierad kropp. Tydliga kopplingar kunde också göras till Rosenmann’s och Kaplan’s (2014) kroppsideologi; metrosexuella-och konsumentmaskuliniteten. / Objective The advanced technology of today’s society has brought on a heavy uprising of social media where images of training and bodies are a common phenomenon. The aim of this study was to examine how body ideals are created on the internet, with focus on social media. Two questions were used to help with this objective: How do male fitness profiles portrait themselves and their bodies on the net based service Instagram? Do connections exist between these profiles portraits of the body and specific body ideologies? (Rosenmann & Kaplan, 2014). Method The study was carried out with a nethnographic method, a method specifically focused on qualitative research regarding the internet. Three male fitness profiles and five of their images each were selected based on popularity on Instagram to be examined and analyzed in relation to body ideal. Results The images had similar attributes which included that they, often in a gym environment, showed undressed, extremely muscular bodies with emphasized focus on the upper body. Differences were present in the images but not to any significant extent. The profiles were defined by the body ideology of metrosexuality and consumer masculinity (Rosenmann & Kaplan, 2014). Conclusion The representation of the images of these fitness profiles translate well into the current muscular body ideal that contains a lean, muscular, well defined body. Clear connections could be made to Rosenmann’s och Kaplan’s (2014) body ideology of metrosexuality and consumer masculinity.

黎漢基. / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻 (p. 300-328) / 中英文摘要. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Li Hanji. / Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1998. / Can kao wen xian (p. 300-328) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

ABSTRACT Katirci, G&uuml / ldeniz M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz December 2006, 157 pages The main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate whether or not the rapid rise and decline of radical nationalism between 1999 and 2002 elections may be related to an ideological identity crisis of the Nationalist Action Party. In this context, the focus will be on the transformation of the nationalist ideology, &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / in the Ottoman Empire, Kemalist/official nationalism, and transformation of Turkish nationalism to a political party ideology and its further transformation in Turkey. The reason for drawing such a framework is related to the fact that the developmental line of the nationalist phenomenon shows a three dimensional historical continuity line in influencing Turkish nationalism as a political party ideology. The possible ideological identity crisis in the NAP ideology, which has been visible between the 1999 and 2002 general elections, should be searched in the genetic categorical paradoxes and in the transformation of nationalism as a modern phenomenon, which have been influential upon all nationalism types emerged after it. The complex structure of the nationalist phenomenon, which started to be influential on the Ottoman Empire had influenced the developmental periods of &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / appeared in their original structure. Turkish nationalism, which had developed on the same line with Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, had inherited both the categorical paradoxes of nationalism and the emergence of &ldquo / original&rdquo / Turkish nationalism. Thus, Turkish nationalism, as a nation-state ideology, had been the carrier of these categorical inconsistencies, which had remained until the multi-party period and which were transformed to a political party ideology with the NAP in the 1960s. Therefore, throughout the thesis, the possible ideological identity crisis of the NAP ideology will be searched in its complex relation with the transformation history of political nationalism and its specific transformation in Turkey. At the end, the ideological statute of nationalism in the political spectrum will be questioned.

The concepts of power and state - particularly embedded in the idea of the Great Power, with a geopolitical perspective and a profoundly aggressive character - are tantamount in importance to the Russia's elite political ideology. However, the existence of different emphases within such a political ideology, ranging from the active-obstructive to the passive stances, brings into question the factors of variation that might be responsible for the elite's level of determination to pursue these concepts over an internal or foreign policy development. In addressing this query, two tasks are set: descriptive - involving a survey of the content of Russian aggressive political ideology over different periods in history; and explanatory - determining circumstances that might account for the empowerment of one or other option of Russian aggressive political ideology. Therefore, the thesis includes a comparison of historical periods with similar relevance to the Russian state. The concern here is in relation to shifting factors of variations of aggressive political ideology acting in the space-frame of one state, but in different time-frame. Resting on these frames the thesis explores the shaping of the Russian elite's defining principles of state internal and foreign policy development and traces the factors of variation responsible for the empowerment of one or other particular form of the aggressive political ideology. The factors of variation discussed in the thesis are different in nature and intensity. The primary impetus for variation in the form that aggressive political ideology would take is determined by the factor of national distress. Other factors (regime volatility, political and economic motivations, information dissemination, and challenges within the international system) are responsible for the depth and extent to which aggressive ideology is going to resonate. No factor could create the variation by itself. The argument is that a specific set of factors is required to create the conditions for variations in the form the aggressive political ideology would take and to determine whether aggressive ideology would generate or not an obstructive political decision.

Falupartiet anser sig själva att inte styras av någon av de klassiska ideologierna, de anser då att de styrs av något annat som har att göra med vad som är det bästa för Falu kommun, men vad betyder det och vad innebär det ideologiskt? Det bör innebära att Falupartiet är styrda av en lokal ideologi? Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fram Falupartiets lokala ideologi för att skapa en större förståelse för den. Uppsatsens frågeställningar vill besvara vilka av de klassiska ideologierna som styr de nationella partierna som även styr Falupartiet, även om Falupartiet förnekar sig styrda av dem. Frågeställningarna vill även undersöka om det kan finnas spår av lokalpopulistiska drag i att endast påstå sig styras av lokala intressen. Detta kommer att göras med en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk metod och med hjälp av teorier om ideologisk analys där ideologin delas upp i huvudpunkter för att analyseras separat. Analysen kommer att göras endast på Falupartiets textmaterial från deras hemsida. Analysresultaten visar att Falupartiets ideologi innehåller en stor blandning av flera olika ideologier vilket samtidigt kan ses som populistiskt. Falupartiet har ingen extrem ideologi men deras ideologiska kärna bör ses som högerkonservativ, med vissa populistiska drag. / The local Falun party is claiming not to be steered by any of the classical ideologies that the national parties have, they claim that they are steered by something else that has to do with what is the best for Falun community, but what does that mean and what kind of ideology is that about? It must be some kind of local ideology? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the Falunparty’s ideology to create a bigger understanding about it. It will do that thru the method of discourse analysis and with help of theories about ideological analysis where you separate the ideology into different headlines. And this analyse will only be done on the Faluparty’s text material from their website. The questionnaire’s in this paper wants to answer to what kind of ideology the local ideology is made of by comparing it to the national classical ideologies that the party is claiming not to be steered by. This paper is also questioning if this local ideology has populistic undertones. The results show that the Faluparty has a mix of all kinds of ideologies, which in itself can be seen as populistic. They do not have any extreme ideology, but their primary ideological nature is slightly right-wing conservative, thus with a populistic behaviour.

O presente estudo propôs a identificação das determinações da avaliação da educação superior, com recorte na formação em Educação Física, utilizando-se das categorias do materialismo histórico e dialético. As ideologias do Capital Humano e do Capital Social e seus teóricos serviram como mediadoras dessa análise. Para tanto, utilizamo-nos do fenômeno da globalização e seus conseqüentes reflexos na sociedade brasileira em geral e na educação superior em particular. Os modelos de avaliação foram aqui examinados até a atualidade, bem como seus desdobramentos na formação em Educação Física e seu respectivo campo de trabalho, com algumas experiências ocorridas em nosso território. Tendo como caminho as propostas avaliativas, os aspectos históricos da constituição da Educação Física, os instrumentos de avaliação atuais, as avaliações internas produzidas na UFRJ e UFF e o aprofundamento das ideologias do CH e do CS, acreditamos ter evidenciado o fio condutor do estabelecimento de uma cultura conformadora e justificadora da exploração da população pelo capitalismo que acaba por ser abraçada por parcelas de professores de Educação Física quando se alinham de forma irrefletida aos modelos de avaliação. Apontamos a possibilidade de uma ação contra-hegemônica por um caminho politizador no interior das instituições escolares, em todos os seus níveis e com todos os seus atores, passando pelos movimentos sindicais e chegando principalmente à Universidade / The present study aimed at identifying the requirements of the evaluation of higher education, with cutout on training in physical education, using the categories of dialectical and historical materialism. The ideologies of Human Capital and Social Capital theorists and served as mediators of this analysis. For both, so the phenomenon of globalization and its consequential impact on Brazilian society in General and higher education in particular. The evaluation models were examined until nowadays, as well as their implications on training in physical education and its field of work, with a few experiences that have occurred in our territory. With the way evaluative proposals, the historical aspects of the Constitution of physical education, the current assessment tools, internal assessments produced at UFRJ and UFF and the deepening of CH and CS, we believe have evidenced the guiding principle of the establishment of a culture forming and justifying the exploitation of the population by capitalism which turns out to be embraced by plots of physical education teachers when align so unreflective evaluation models. We point out the possibility of a counter-hegemonic action by a political day path within the educational institutions, in all its levels and with all his actors, through the trade union movements and coming primarily to University