This project aimed to reanalyse two large historical data sets from two different locations in New Zealand (Fiordland in the South Island and Pureora Forest Park in the North Island). The data describe populations of mice (Mus musculus), rats (Rattus rattus and R. norvegicus), and stoats (Mustela erminea) collected using standard monitoring techniques from five distinct types of forest habitat. The new analysis methods selected were an index of patchiness and Site Occupancy analysis. The objectives of the analysis were (1) to evaluate whether the patchiness index and Site Occupancy analysis methods might contribute to improved protocols for monitoring small mammal populations in the future, and (2) to use formal tests of five hypotheses to evaluate two of the assumptions made by the conventional density index often used in small mammal studies. I describe the results of the analyses for each species, including any problems encountered (such as the inability of the Site Occupancy method to analyse very sparse data sets). I also describe the results pooled from each of the two study locations and potential consequences for small mammal monitoring and control. This analysis has suggested that in most cases the density index is not a rigorous measure of small mammal populations. However, both the index of patchiness and Site Occupancy analysis provided useful, new information about these populations of rodents and stoats, despite the fact that these historical data sets were not designed for use with modern methods of analysis. Please note: some figures and tables were printed separately and added to the thesis as unnumbered pages. These can be found in the file 03Plates_and_Tables.pdf.

This thesis investigates why an alternative visual art and arts infrastructure developed in Indonesia during the 1990s. Initially alternative exhibition spaces developed in response to a lack of outlets through the existing commercial galleries and in reaction to the cultural hegemony of Suharto???s regime, which failed to provide infrastructure for modern art. ???Alternative??? will be extended here to describe an art and an arts infrastructure that became an influential system of power, the gatekeeper for the Indonesian arts community to the international art forum. The background of Alternative art is considered, its sources being in the protest of the New Art Movement, Gerakan Seni Rupa Baru, in the 1970s and an on-going art student rebellion against the modern and decorative art taught in the art academies. Contemporary artists sought content that reflected the many issues confronting Indonesian society, and rejected that art focusing on formal properties particularly in painting, which, by avoiding contention, served the purposes of Suharto???s regime. Particular examples are explored to define the lines of power that evolved: firstly the alternative gallery, Cemeti, and secondly the curator, Jim Supangkat and his theoretical justification for Indonesian contemporary art for the international forum. Finally the career structure of Heri Dono is examined to identify the mechanisms for artistic success through international contacts. This investigation concludes that power and influence became dependent on recognition in the international forum. Western and later Asian institutions, in selecting work for the high profile survey exhibitions proliferating in the 1990s, worked almost exclusively with this network. Their preference was for installation art that reflected the socio-political context in which it was made, and the few artists who were selected developed careers very different from their colleagues in Indonesia, some becoming nomadic art stars. This relationship between the Indonesian and the international art network has gained recognition for Indonesian contemporary art and an outlet for suppressed issues and marginalised people, but did not provide a fully balanced representation of Indonesian culture and reiterated the systems and paradigms of the West in relation to Asian art.

This study analyses the role of the house motif in Mark’s Gospel since in the tradition, Jesus healed, forgave sin, taught and shared meals as well as the Last Supper in the house. It is argued that Mark was composed for a Gentile, Hellenist Christian house group in Rome and written soon after Nero’s persecution (64-65 CE) of the Christian house-church communities and prior to the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. Though other studies support alternate sites in Galilee, Southern Syria and the Transjordan as the source of the Gospel, the traditional arguments favouring Rome indicate that Mark is a Hellenist Gospel written for the majority Law-free Christian household groups in Rome as Paul’s letter attests in 58 CE. The Gospel offers hope in following the way of the secret of the kingdom. In Mark’s terms, the secret is Jesus’ servant dedication to his messianic ministry, climaxing in his crucifixion and resurrection. There is no description of Jesus’ resurrection in the Gospel; in part unnecessary since, from its opening, the Gospel presumes the power and authority of the crucified, risen Son of Man, the Lord. As Lord, he calls disciples to follow him along the way of eschatological servant dedication in the spatial context of the typical, urban house-church. Consequently, within the house motif, Mark sets out the minor characters’ response in faith and hope to the Lord’s authoritative call, healing, forgiveness and Eucharistic unity in the house. In contrast, the narrative synagogue groups first react only with astonishment to Mark’s messianic Jesus. But, under the authorities’ leadership, the Jewish response hardens into total rejection of Jesus as Mark’s gradually enlarges Israel’s negative response to Mark’s symbolic visitation, judgment and rejection theme of the temple due to the opposition of the Jewish authorities and their abuse of the Law and the temple liturgy. Mark has no pastoral interest in a remote Jerusalem or its temple. From the Gospel's ’s viewpoint, his real aim is the visitation of Rome’s house-church groups through the living Word of the risen Jesus of Nazareth. Israel’s negative narrative response acts as a literary backdrop to the faith responses in the house. As a result, through its misused Law and temple traditions, Israel ensures its symbolic visitation and rejection. Concurrently, in house-churches sustained by faith, and the authoritative Word of the risen Son of Man, challenges Christians in Rome to a renewed fidelity in way, covenant service. Therefore, under the mantle of the house motif, the Gospel offers ‘the secret of kingdom of God’ - Jesus’ life as the selfless servant - as the basis for individual and communal hope. Christians live in the aftermath of severe persecution. These house groups are challenged to live the paradox of faith in life through death, gain through loss, in following a crucified/risen Lord in servant dedication. This appears to be particularly Mark's aim in his close linking of the two motifs, the house and the way, during the journey of Jesus and the disciples on the way to Jerusalem from Galilee. Throughout, he accents eschatological house-churches; their members live the secret of the kingdom in faith, hope and mutual selflessness. Thus, as Lord of the House, Jesus goes before Rome’s Christian groups in his ever-present living and dying in his glorified humanity. By following Jesus of Nazareth in servant discipleship in a house community, Christians blend their existential human becoming with that of the glorified Lord. Hence Mark clearly expects Christians to see the ‘things of God’ as their Spirit-inspired servant charity. In this way, they daily deepen their Christian unification with Jesus’ own dedication as the Beloved Servant/Son in his obedience to his Father’s will. This is the gift that Mark points to ‘now in this time’. Mark stresses this sense of the victorious, fruitful presence of the glorified Son of Man, the Lord, from the opening of the Gospel. The superscription and the fact that he addresses Christians, who already know Jesus as the triumphant Lord, allow him to write from a post resurrection viewpoint. So, within the scope of the house motif, Mark encourages a deeper faith and hope in the efficacy of Christian self-identification with Jesus in his victorious way of the cross.

The Picturesque aesthetic emerged in the later 18th century, uniting the Sublime and the Beautiful and had its roots in the paintings of Claude Lorrain. In Britain, and in Australia, it came to link art, literature and landscape with architecture. The Picturesque aesthetic informed much of colonial culture which was achieved, in part, through the production and dissemination of architectural pattern books catering for the aspirations of the rising middle classes. This was against a background of political change including democratic reform. The Italianate villa, codified and promoted in such pattern books, was a particularly successful synthesis of style, form and function. The first Italianate villa in England, Cronkhill (1803) by John Nash contains all the ingredients which were essential to the model and had a deeper meaning. Deepdene (from 1807) by Thomas Hope gave the model further impetus. The works of Charles Barry and others in a second generation confirmed the model's acceptability. In Britain, its public status peaked with Osborne House (from 1845), Queen Victoria's Italianate villa on the Isle of Wight, Robert Kerr used a vignette of Osborne House on the title page of his sophisticated and influential pattern book, The Gentleman's House (1864,1871). It was one of many books, including those of J.C, Loudon and AJ. Downing, current in colonial Victoria. The latter authors and horticulturists were themselves villa dwellers with libraries and orchards, two criteria for the true villa lifestyle. Situation and a sense of retreat were the two further criteria for the villa lifestyle. As the new colony of Victoria blossomed between 1851 and 1891, the Italianate villa, its garden setting and its landscape siting captured the tenor of the times. Melbourne, the capital was a rich manufacturing metropolis with a productive hinterland and international markets. The people enjoyed a prosperity and lifestyle which they wished to display. Those who had a position in society were keen to demonstrate and protect it. Those with aspirations attempted to provide the evidence necessary for such acceptance, The model matured and became ubiquitous. Its evolution can be traced through a series of increasingly complicated rural and suburban examples, a process which modernist historians have dismissed as a decadent decline. These villas, in fact, demonstrate an increasingly sophisticated retreat by merchants from ‘the Town’ and by graziers from ‘the Country’. In both town and country, the towers of villas mark territory newly acquired. The same claim was often made in humbler situations. Government House, Melbourne (from 1871), a splendid Italianate villa and arguably finer than Osborne House, was set in a cultivated landscape and towered above all It incorporated the four criteria and, in addition, claimed its domain, focused authority and established the colony's social status. It symbolised ancient notions of democracy and idealism but with a modem appreciation for the informal and domestic. Government House in Melbourne is the epitome of the Italianate villa in the colonial landscape and is the climax of the Picturesque aesthetic in Victoria.

House cat movements in Canberra suburbs adjacent to grassland and forest/woodland areas were examined using radio-telemetry over 9 months. Information on the composition of vertebrate prey caught by house cats in Canberra was also collected by recording prey items deposited at cat owners' residences over 12 months. Home range areas of 10 suburban house cats, and a colony of seven farm cats, were examined using 95% convex polygons. Nocturnal home range areas of the suburban cats varied between 0.02 and 27.93 ha (mean 7.89 ha), and were larger than diurnal home range areas (range 0.02 to 17.19 ha - mean 2.73 ha). Nocturnal home range areas of cats from the farm cat colony varied between 1.38 and 4.46 ha (mean 2.54 ha), and were also larger than diurnal home range areas (range 0.77 to 3.70 ha - mean 1.70 ha). Activity levels were greater at night than during the day, though diel activity patterns varied seasonally in response to ambient temperature. Four suburban house cats moved between 390 m and 900 m into habitat adjoining the suburb. Movements further than 100-200 m from the suburb edge were always made at night. Polygons describing the home ranges of these animals were strongly spatially biased away from the suburban environment, though the cats spent the majority of their time within the bounds of the suburb. In addition to nocturnal and diurnal effects, home range areas, and subsequently habitat utilisation, appeared primarily determined by the density and spatial distribution of cats utilising separate food resources, and the dominance of individual cats in local social hierarchies, rather than gender or neutering effects. Home ranges of cats in the farm cat colony overlapped extensively, as did those of cats living at the same suburban residence. There was little or no overlap between the home ranges of cats from different residences. Barriers, in the form of busy roads, appeared to also significantly influence home range size and shape. Within home range areas, house cat movements during the day appeared strongly influenced by available cover (drains, tall grass, fences and shrubs etc.), and the location of resting/sunning spots and hunting sites close to home. At night, movement patterns appeared influenced by the location of favoured hunting sites toward the outer edges of home range areas (in this study, tall grass and scrub/forest habitat, and farm buildings). Nineteen hundred and sixty one prey items representing 67 species were reported or collected. Sixty-four percent of the prey items were introduced mammals, with native birds comprising 14%, introduced birds 10%, unidentified birds 3%, reptiles 7%, amphibians 1% and native mammals 1%. Predation appeared to be largely opportunistic with respect to spatial and temporal (daily and seasonal) prey availability and accessibility. All amphibians and 62% of mammals taken by cats not confined at night, were caught at night. In contrast, 70% of birds caught, and 90% of reptiles, were taken during the day (45% of birds between 0600 h and 1200 h, and 61% of reptiles between 1200 h and 1800 h). There was some evidence that small mammals are preferred prey of house cats. The mean number of prey items reported per cat over 12 months - 10.2 � 2.66 (2SE, n=138) - was significantly lower than mean predation per cat per year - 23.3 � 6.16 (2SE, n=138) - estimated by cat owners before the prey survey began. Seventy percent of cats were observed to catch less than 10 prey items over 12 months, but for 6% of cats, more than 50 prey items were recorded. Because counts of the amount of prey caught per house cat per unit time were highly positively skewed, data assumptions and statistical parameters used to extrapolate results from the study sample of cats, to the house cat population of Canberra, had a significant effect on estimates of total predation in Canberra. The precision of the total predation estimate was low (± 25%), from a sample of 0.3% of the Canberra house cat population. The accuracy of such estimates are dependent on how representative the study cat sample is of the wider house cat population, and on the proportion of prey items not observed by cat owners. The total amount of prey taken was not significantly influenced by cat gender, age when desexed, or cat breed. Nor did belling or the number of meals provided per day have a significant influence on predatory efficiency. Cat age and the proportion of nights spent outside explained approximately 11 % of the variation in the amount of prey caught by individual cats. House cat density and distance to prey source areas (rural/grassland habitat) explained 43% of variation in predation on introduced mammals and birds. The impact of predation beyond suburb edges is likely to be most significant on populations of small to medium sized arboreal and ground-dwelling mammals, because of their nocturnal nature, and because they appear to be preferred prey types of house cats. Impacts on diurnally active prey, such as most birds and reptiles, are likely to be confined to within 200 m of residential housing (possibly further where good cover is available). Properly enforced nocturnal confinement should restrict the range sizes of cats that roam widely and utilisation of habitat beyond suburb edges, and also reduce predation on mammals and amphibians. Night-time curfews however, are unlikely to greatly reduce predation on diurnally active species, including most birds and reptiles. Curfews are currently neither widely adopted nor effectively practiced in Canberra. Estimates of predation by house cats, particularly extrapolated estimates, should be treated with caution. They do not necessarily reflect relative impacts on different prey types. Nor do high rates of predation prove prey populations are detrimentally effected, particularly in urban environments. Nonetheless, on a small (backyard) scale in suburban environments, and in habitat within 1 km of residential housing, including isolated private properties, predation by individual cats may threaten populations of native wildlife. Hunting by house cats is particularly undesirable in relatively undisturbed habitat because of fundamental differences in the ecological processes operating in these areas (especially isolated remnants) compared with contrived and modified suburban environments. Adverse impacts on native fauna will always be potentially greatest in undisturbed habitat adjacent to new residential developments

中國大陸自一九七八年十一屆三中全會實行改革開放以來，即開始改革其經濟體制，發展外向型經濟。一九八○年代開始城市經濟體制改革，之前"二無"（無償，無限期）的土地使用制度，以及"福利制，低租金"的住房制度產生了許多弊端，因而在沿海開放城市開始了"有償，有限期"土地使用制度的試點，並有了住宅商品化的觀念。如此，在中國大陸幾乎不復存在的房地產業，又開始在沿海開放城市發展起來。上海市作為現階段中國大陸發展的重點城市之一，挾其優越的地理位置，中共中央的支持，擁有廣大的腹地，便利的交通.....等條件，雄心勃勃地要成為國際金融、經濟中心。九○年代以來，由於浦東開發計劃的實施，吸引了大量外資。作為產業"火車頭"的房地產業更成為外商投資的熱點。一九九一至一九九二年，整個中國大陸的房地產發展達到了高潮，出現許多混亂現象，因此中共中央自一九九三年起開始對房地產業實施宏觀調控，上海市因有其發展的必要性與特殊性，所受影響較小。目前，台商在中國大陸投資房地產的，約有四，五成集中於上海市。對於上海市的土地使用制度及租稅、各種房產開發經營的特點及有關稅賦等，由其是自一九九四年一月一日起實施的<土地增值稅暫行條例>以及自一九九五年一月一日起實施的<中華人民共和國城市房地產管理法>等，以及其他有關注意事項應有相當程度的了解，以免乘興而去、敗興而歸。最後，也是最基本的，即對中共政權的本質與後鄧時期中國大陸的演變趨勢，更應有深刻的認識。

This thesis aims to identify the motivating factors driving consumers home purchase decisions from the consumer's point of view. Although there is an abundance of past real estate research, dating back as far as the 1920's, the factors shaping consumers home choice have not been fully explored. Past research has tended to assume that homebuyers arrive at a decision following a logical and rational decision making process. These studies have also tended to focus on utilitarian or economic factors shaping home choice. Although past research has unquestionably added to the understanding of home purchase behaviour, the focus on utilitarian and economic factors does not explain decisions that are underpinned by deep-seated motives. The present thesis extends past research by exploring the less tangible, non-economic aspects of home choice in order to provide a fuller story of why and how people consume homes. The primary aim of this study was to investigate the unsolicited motives underlying consumers' home choices, therefore, a qualitative technique known as ZMET was employed. Based on the notion of unconscious thoughts, ZMET uses visual images gathered and/or generated by consumers to elicit and probe the metaphors that represent their thoughts and feelings. For the present study, 14 consumers who had recently placed an offer on a home took part in the ZMET interview. The present methodology extends past property research which has predominantly taken a quantitative approach. The findings of the study provide a rich insight into the motivations behind consumer home choice. Firstly, it reveals that the pre-purchase checklists used by many homebuyers and real estate agents are inaccurate representation of consumer home choice, and explains why this is so. Secondly, it demonstrates the influence of twenty four motives, including three central constructs (space, nature and views) on consumer home choice and highlights the fact that autobiographical memories underpins many of the motives to impact on choice. Thirdly, it provides a model mapping out the interaction between utilitarian and hedonic motives, which evokes a network of feelings, sensations and emotions that shape consumer home choice. In doing so, the research provides theoretical insight into the link between the rational information-processing model and the experiential view of hedonic consumption in home purchases. This study has shown that a specific set of utilitarian and deep-seated hedonic factors interrelate to culminate upon one's home choice. The findings in this study maintain that while utilitarian factors are significant determinants of home choice, in themselves, they do not always tell the whole story. This new knowledge of how and why homebuyers chose what they did is valuable to practitioners in predicting accurate property demands and value. Real estate agents can-sell more effectively by matching a property to a homebuyer's hedonic needs. The information in this study also helps homebuyers understand that their home choice is guided by internal images and deep-seated motives derived from many years of past experience but more importantly, they can decide if these motives justify the price they pay for the property. Finally, the model gives future researchers a new framework to access meanings necessary for understanding homebuyer choice and allows a closer examination of the mechanics of these influences on the housing market and its demands.

<p>Under det senaste decenniet har kvinnor gjort ett utträde på arbetsmarknaden. De har gått från att vara hemmafruar till yrkesarbetande. Närmare 1,2 miljoner kvinnor var hemmafruar i Sverige på 1960-talet, idag är de endast 48 000. Jag ville ta reda på vad det innebär att var hemmafru idag för hemmafruarna själva. Jag har utgått från min frågeställning; Vad innebär det att vara hemmafru idag? Hur ser de på förväntningarna som riktas mot dem? Vad finns det för mål och motiv för dessa kvinnor att bli hemmafruar? Hur upplever de sin position som hemmafruar? Jag har genomfört mitt arbete utifrån Grundad teori då jag ville få fatt i vad det innebär för dagens hemmafruar själva utan att utgå från någon bestämd teori. För att få fram detta har jag intervjuat fem kvinnor. Resultatet visade att dagens hemmafru är en kvinna som under en fas i livet har valt att stanna hemma från arbetslivet för att ta hand om sina barn, ett val som de haft ekonomisk möjlighet att välja i kombination med att de upplever att det dem gör har ett värde samt att det är meningsfullt. De har valt en livsföring utifrån det som har ett värde för dem. <strong></strong></p>

<p>Background: During a house demonstration a real estate agent have the chance to make new contacts which is of big importance to spread the word about the agency and keep up with the competition. If the realtor makes a good impression on the customers, it increases the chance for making the customers return to the same realtor when time comes to sell their own house. The interpretation of this non-verbal communication has been shown to have a fundamental effect on the participant’s perception of the encounter. This makes the study aim regards investigating which non-verbal signals a real estate agent express.</p><p>Purpose: This study has a two-parted purpose whereas the first part intends to point out similarities and differences in a realtor’s non-verbal communication. The other part aim to create an understanding for the consequences a real estate agent’s non-verbal communication can lead to.</p><p>Theory: To fulfil the purpose, theories about non-verbal communication were chosen which brings the expressions kinesics, proxemics, physical appearance and paralanguage into use.</p><p>Research method: As an empirical research method observations were used to study the real estate agents non-verbal communication. Four educated and authorised realtors were chosen to be observed at different house demonstrations. The focus was set on the realtors interactions with the customers.</p><p>Conclusion: Results from the observations point out that there are both similarities and differences in a realtor’s non-verbal communication. Depending on how this communication takes place, which can differ between realtors, different consequences can be pointed out in the interaction with the customers.</p><p>Keywords: Non-verbal communication, Real estate agent, House demonstrations, Kinesics, Proxemics, Paralanguage</p>

<p>Miljö och energianvändning blir ett mer aktuellt ämne. 40 % av landets totala energianvändning går idag till bostäder.[1] Om elpriserna stiger under den närmsta tiden kommer det med stor säkerhet leda till att människor blir mer kostnadsmedvetna och gärna hittar sätt för att minska sina energikostnader. Som ett led i detta har hustillverkare tagit fram ett energisnålt alternativ till det vanliga huset. Det benämns lågenergihus och använder mindre energi än de hus som är vanliga på marknaden idag. Det här är möjligt genom att lågenergihus byggs på ett annorlunda vis jämfört med ett ordinärt hus. Bland annat används mer isolering och bättre fönster och dörrar. Dessutom är täthet ett viktigt begrepp för att minska värmeförlusterna. Rapporten syftar till att redogöra för vad som karaktäriserar lågenergihus och ge vägledning vid byggande av dessa. Vidare ska rapporten ge svar på frågorna, vilka är problemen och vilka är fördelarna med lågenergihus? Hur ser byggprocessen ut och vad är viktigt att tänka på i de olika skedena i processen? samt, är det ekonomiskt rimligt att bygga lågenergihus? För att få svar på dessa frågor har jag använt mig av litteratur, intervjuer samt informationssökning på nätet, dessutom har jag använt mig av de kunskaper som införskaffats under studietiden. I rapporten har jag valt att endast behandla energianvändning då miljöfrågan är alltför omfattande. Vidare ger rapporten en introduktion till vad som är utmärkande för lågenergihus rent byggnadstekniskt och lotsar läsaren genom byggprocessens olika skeden samt vilka aktörer som är inblandade och vilka deras respektive ansvarsområden är. Dessutom pekar rapporten ut vad som är viktigt för dig som byggherre att tänka på under de olika skedena i byggprocessen i form av planering, utformning, konstruktion, installationer, utgifter, försäkringar, kontroller och avtal, vare sig du väljer att uppföra byggnaden i egen regi eller anlita en entreprenör.</p><p>Rapporten ger exempel på lösningar gällande konstruktion, installationer och värmesystem som är lämpliga i ett lågenergihus. Dessutom görs en energiberäkning på ett lågenergihus ritat av författaren till rapporten. Beräkningen ger huset en energianvändning på 56 kWh/m², år, vilket är ca hälften av vad lagar och föreskrifter anger som maximalt värde ett hus får ha. Idéer och tankar som legat till grund för huset beskrivs. Då detta hus ritats har även andra idéer implementerats som inte är specifika för lågenergihus, utan syftar till att huset ska ha en beredskap vid tillexempel elavbrott. I slutet av rapporten ges även tips på hur du som husägare ytterligare kan spara energi och bidra till en hållbar utveckling.</p><p>[1]Gross, Holger (2008). <em>Energismarta småhus: vägledning och råd till byggherrar, arkitekter och ingenjörer</em>. Stockholm: Gross produktion i samarbete med Villaägarnas riksförbund</p><p> </p> / <p>The environment and the use of energy is becoming a more present subject. Today the real estate industry accounts for more than 40% of Sweden’s total energy consumption.[1]As energy prices rise, energy-saving in buildings is becoming increasingly important to homeowners. As result of this, house manufacturers have created a new type of energy-saving house called low-energy house. This house has a different construction in comparison to an ordinary house. The theses aims to give guidance when building a low-energy house and answer the following questions, what are the problems and what are the benefits, which are the different phases of the building process, what issues are important to consider in these phases and is it economically realistic to build a low-energy house. To be able to answer these questions I have collected material from litterateur, interviews, and web searching. In addition I also have used the knowledge I have obtained during my period of studies. The thesis only concern the energy consumption as the environmental part of it is too substantial. In addition the thesis gives a presentation of the building process, who are involved and what are their field of responsibility. Furthermore it points out what you as a future owner of a house/building proprietor should be attentive to during the building process so that no mistakes are made that causes the end results not turning out as expected. Different laws, rules, contracts, norms and authorities that occurs in the building process,  are accounted for and explained in the thesis in such a way that is easy to grasp for those not familiar to the subject.</p><p> </p><p>The report gives advice and example of solutions in terms of construction and installations e.g. heating distribution system that are appropriate in a low-energy house.</p><p>The thesis includes a calculation of the energy use of a low-energy house, which shows that the house uses about 56 kWh/m², year. In comparison, this is about half the maximum limit decided by the Swedish constitution BBR.</p><p> </p><p> A suggestion for a low-energy house is displayed in the paper, it is the same housed used for the calculation of energy use. Ideas and thoughts regarding the house are described. This suggestion also implements a few ideas’ that perhaps contributes additionally to energy-savings and a sustainable environment.</p><h2><em> </em></h2><p>[1] Gross, Holger (2008). <em>Energismarta småhus: vägledning och råd till byggherrar, arkitekter och ingenjörer</em>. Stockholm: Gross produktion i samarbete med Villaägarnas riksförbund</p>