Os povos indígenas do Vale do rio Amazonas no período colonial foram alvos de um projeto civilizatório que teve na escola seu instrumento mais emblemático. Reputada como a promotora da civilidade, coube à escola a tarefa de inserir, prioritariamente os meninos e as meninas indígenas na cultura letrada. Tanto os missionários jesuítas quanto os agentes públicos se empenharam em abrir escolas para ensinar a escrever, ler e contar. A presente tese tem como objetivo, a partir das diversas letras produzidas neste período, investigar os princípios e as motivações dos diferentes agentes que atuaram neste projeto. As suas estratégias, métodos e práticas pedagógicas. Os recursos e materiais didáticos utilizados e os resultados alcançados. Com o propósito de melhor compreender a história da educação escolar indígena no período colonial, pretendemos contribuir para que os desafios contemporâneos da educação das nações indígenas que compõem a República do Brasil, possam ser dimensionados com mais clareza. / The indigenous peoples of the Amazon River Valley, in the colonial period were the targets of a civilizing project that had its most emblematic instrument in school. Reputed as the promoter of civility, it was the school\'s task to insert, as a priority, indigenous boys and girls into literate culture. Both Jesuit missionaries and public officials committed themselves to opening schools to teach writing, reading, and counting. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the principles and motivations of the different agents who have acted in this project from the various \"letters\" produced in this period. Their pedagogical strategies, methods and practices. The resources, teaching materials used and the results achieved. In order to better understand the history of indigenous school education in the colonial period, we intend to contribute to the fact that the contemporary challenges of the education of the indigenous nations that make up the Republic of Brazil can be more clearly defined.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-05-29T17:08:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Thiago Cancelier Dias - 2017.pdf: 4983250 bytes, checksum: 5ee2dfb316d2bf4994f552224fde9554 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-05-30T10:37:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Thiago Cancelier Dias - 2017.pdf: 4983250 bytes, checksum: 5ee2dfb316d2bf4994f552224fde9554 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-30T10:37:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Thiago Cancelier Dias - 2017.pdf: 4983250 bytes, checksum: 5ee2dfb316d2bf4994f552224fde9554 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present thesis investigates the indigenous agency, especially that realized by military interpreters (línguas), in Goiás (1721 to 1832). Investigated indigenous nations Karajá and Javaés; Akroâ, Xacriabá and Xavante; Bororó; Kayapó do Sul. There were eleven villages organized by Portuguese governors, with the presence of sertanista, jesuits, pedestrian troops, directors and priests, as well as indigenous chiefs, pajés, corridors, singers, warriors and military interpreters. The role of military interpreters in indigenous and indigenist politics and in the miscegenation between indigenous world management and Portuguese territorial practices were investigated. / A presente tese investiga a agência indígena, em especial a realizada por línguas, no período de 1721 a 1832 em Goiás. Pesquisa-se, principalmente, os contatos, descimentos e os aldeamentos das nações indígenas Iny (Karajá e Javaés), Akwén (Akroâ, Xacriabá e Xavante), Boé (Bororó) e Paraniá (Kayapó do Sul). Foram doze aldeamentos organizados por governadores portugueses, com a presença de sertanista, jesuítas, tropas de pedestres, diretores e padres, assim como, maiorais, caciques, índios principais, pajés, corredores, cantores, guerreiros e línguas. Investigou-se o papel do língua na politica indígena e indigenista, e na mestiçagem entre manejo de mundo indígena e práticas territoriais portuguesas.

Contemporary events frequently call into question the status of state-recognized Native nations. For example, the National Congress of American Indians (NCAI) failed to pass a resolution dissolving state-recognized membership; and the Government Accountability Office (GAO) has reported on the reality of federal funding being awarded to non-federally recognized Native nations. Although state-recognized Native nations are handicapped in their strategies and the availability of resources to assert their right to self-determine, some have persevered despite the inability to establish a direct relationship with the national government. Reconsidering federalism as it pertains to Native nations reveals opportunities for non-federally recognized Native nations to access resources and assert self-governing authority in alternative arenas outside the exclusive tribal-national government-to-government relationship. My research analyzes how two state-recognized Native nations, the Lumbee Tribe of North Carolina and the Waccamaw Indian People of South Carolina, have operated as political actors; have maintained their communities; have organized politically and socially; and have asserted their right to self-determine by engaging state—and at certain times federal—politics to address needs within their communities. I used a qualitative case study approach to examine the strategies these two state-recognized Native nations have developed to engage state relationships. I argue that state-recognized Native nations are developing significant political relationships with their home states and other entities, such as federal, state, and local agencies, and nonprofits, to address issues in their communities.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to understand, from the legislations, decrees, ordinances, regiments, normative acts and other UFS documents related to the object, which is the place of the indigenous within of this University, using the words of the indigenous people themselves. At all times the indigenous person occupies the center of the stage, understanding him as an active subject of all his historical, social and educational process. In every (re) corner of this world he keeps his "fingerprint" and the mark of his "heel at the top of the skyscrapers.". Understanding that the university spaces also belong to the natives is the motto and the end of the present work. The indigenous is its main subject. Subject of rights. Subject and author of an open field of discussion, research, discoveries, achievements. This is a qualitative research based on the case study method and used semi-structured interviews with indigenous people and a representative of the University elected for the present study. The theoretical framework is based on the concepts of dialogism, polyphony and presumed present in works Bakhtinian (2002, 2005, 2006, 2009, 2012, 2013), in the ideas of Vygostsky, on Marx's ontological and socio-historical assumptions, on the concept of Praxis addressed by Vásquez and on the critical speech analysis, from Fairclough's (2001) studies. It starts from the idea that the UFS is in process of recognition of these minority groups that are beginning to be present in their spaces. The results show that the UFS is not yet open to the minorities that enter their walls, although it has recently approved the affirmative action policy at a meeting of the Teaching, Research and Extension Council (CONEPE). The major problem, however, refers to the lack of funding that guarantees the access with permanence and conclusion. It was also observed that both the demand and the interest of the native to attend a postgraduate course exist. The lack, however, of guidence and funding, of a university that contemplates the specificities of the indigenous culture in its curricular matrix, becomes a barrier to the inclusion of the indigenous in this stage of formation, which shows that their place is still (in) visible not to say shy, petty or even (non) existent. / Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender, a partir das legislações, decretos, portarias, regimentos, atos normativos e demais documentos da UFS relacionados ao objeto, qual o lugar do indígena no interior desta Universidade, valendo-se dos falares dos próprios indígenas. Em todo momento o indígena ocupa o centro do palco, entendendo-o como sujeito ativo de todo seu processo histórico, social e educacional. Em todo (re)canto deste mundo guarda sua "impressão digital" e a marca do seu "calcanhar no topo dos arranhas-céus" . Compreender que os Espaços Universitários também pertencem aos indígenas é o mote e o fim do presente trabalho. O indígena é seu sujeito principal. Sujeito de direitos. Sujeito e autor de um campo aberto de discussão, de pesquisa, de descobertas, de conquistas. Trata-se de uma pesquisa de caráter qualitativo, amparada no método do estudo de caso e se valeu de entrevistas semiestruturadas com indígenas e com um representante da Universidade eleita para o presente estudo. O marco teórico sustenta-se nos conceitos de dialogismo, polifonia e presumido presente em obras Bakhtinianas (2002; 2005; 2006; 2009; 2012; 2013), nas ideias de Vygostsky, nos pressupostos ontológicos e sócio históricos de Marx, no conceito de Práxis abordado por Vásquez e na análise crítica do discurso, a partir dos estudos de Fairclough (2001). Parte-se da ideia que a UFS está em processo de reconhecimento desses grupos minoritários que começam a se fazer presente nos seus espaços. Os resultados demonstram, até aqui, que a UFS ainda não está aberta para as minorias que adentram seus murros, embora tenha recentemente aprovado a política de ações afirmativas em reunião do Conselho do Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão (CONEPE). A problemática maior, porém, refere-se a falta de financiamento que garanta o acesso com permanência e conclusão. Observou-se, ainda, que tanto a demanda quanto o interesse do indígena em cursar um curso de Pós-Graduação existe. A falta, porém, de orientação e financiamento, de uma Universidade que contemple as especificidades da cultura indígena na sua matriz curricular, se torna uma barreira para a inclusão do indígena nessa etapa de formação, o que mostra que seu lugar ainda é (in)visível para não dizer acanhado, apequenado ou até (in)existente. / São Cristóvão, SE

A dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a atuação da Junta das Missões de Pernambuco que, instituída em 1681, funcionou ao longo da primeira metade do século XVIII, sendo extinta apenas em 1759. A Junta das Missões de Pernambuco foi criada no contexto de consolidação da economia da pecuária e do conseqüente incremento do número de ordens religiosas envolvidas no processo de missionação. A necessidade de conquistar novos territórios, de garantir a estabilidade do povoamento na região e, portanto, o inevitável contato com populações indígenas desconhecidas e que, via de regra, tornaram-se os maiores obstáculos aos anseios portugueses, levou a Coroa a desenvolver novas estratégias de domínio e conquista com base nas contingências e especificidades locais. Pretende-se estudar a referida instituição buscando identificar suas competências, sua esfera de atuação, e seus mecanismos de funcionamento, observando como se chegavam às soluções e a maneira que se davam os encaminhamentos, tendo em vista que, em virtude da diversidade de sua composição, a Junta das Missões de Pernambuco constituiu-se num espaço privilegiado para a percepção dos diferentes interesses em jogo. Considerando a jurisdição que a Junta exercia nas chamadas capitanias de fora do sertão norte do Estado do Brasil, buscarse- á investigar seu papel na configuração da política indigenista, uma vez que se trata de uma instituição especializada no gerenciamento do projeto missionário, bem como na consecução dos interesses metropolitanos na região. Pretende-se observar, em outras palavras, não apenas sua dimensão missionária, mas também sua dimensão política, como uma instituição que, direta ou indiretamente, zelava pela estabilidade do domínio português em Pernambuco e em suas capitanias anexas. / This master thesis aims to comprehend the action of the Junta das Missões de Pernambuco, institution that was founded in 1681 and continued to work during the first half of 18th century, ending its activities in 1759. The Junta das Missões de Pernambuco was created in the course of the consolidation of the cattle economy and of the increase of the number of the religious orders involved in the missionary work. The need to acquire new territories, to settle the people in the area and, therefore, the inevitable contact with unknown indian people who, in general, represented the main obstacles to the Portuguese willings, estimulated the development of new strategies of control and conquest by the Crown based on local aspects and contexts. We intend to study the institution in order to identify its competences, its area of influence and the mecanisms of its work, observing the making of its resolutions and the ways the directions were made, considering that, due to the diversity of its composition, the Junta das Missões de Pernambuco became a privileged locus to comprehend the different interests in dispute. Considering the jurisdiction of the Junta on the capitanias de fora of northern backlands of the State of Brazil, we intend to investigate its action in the configuration of policies for the indians, knowing that the institution dedicated its efforts to the management of the missionary project, as well as to the viabilization of the metropolitan interests in the area. In other words, we intend to observate not only its missionary dimension, but also its political dimension, keeping in mind that it was an institution that mantained, directly or undirectly, the stability of the Portuguese domain in Pernambuco and in its annexed captaincies.

A dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a atuação da Junta das Missões de Pernambuco que, instituída em 1681, funcionou ao longo da primeira metade do século XVIII, sendo extinta apenas em 1759. A Junta das Missões de Pernambuco foi criada no contexto de consolidação da economia da pecuária e do conseqüente incremento do número de ordens religiosas envolvidas no processo de missionação. A necessidade de conquistar novos territórios, de garantir a estabilidade do povoamento na região e, portanto, o inevitável contato com populações indígenas desconhecidas e que, via de regra, tornaram-se os maiores obstáculos aos anseios portugueses, levou a Coroa a desenvolver novas estratégias de domínio e conquista com base nas contingências e especificidades locais. Pretende-se estudar a referida instituição buscando identificar suas competências, sua esfera de atuação, e seus mecanismos de funcionamento, observando como se chegavam às soluções e a maneira que se davam os encaminhamentos, tendo em vista que, em virtude da diversidade de sua composição, a Junta das Missões de Pernambuco constituiu-se num espaço privilegiado para a percepção dos diferentes interesses em jogo. Considerando a jurisdição que a Junta exercia nas chamadas capitanias de fora do sertão norte do Estado do Brasil, buscarse- á investigar seu papel na configuração da política indigenista, uma vez que se trata de uma instituição especializada no gerenciamento do projeto missionário, bem como na consecução dos interesses metropolitanos na região. Pretende-se observar, em outras palavras, não apenas sua dimensão missionária, mas também sua dimensão política, como uma instituição que, direta ou indiretamente, zelava pela estabilidade do domínio português em Pernambuco e em suas capitanias anexas. / This master thesis aims to comprehend the action of the Junta das Missões de Pernambuco, institution that was founded in 1681 and continued to work during the first half of 18th century, ending its activities in 1759. The Junta das Missões de Pernambuco was created in the course of the consolidation of the cattle economy and of the increase of the number of the religious orders involved in the missionary work. The need to acquire new territories, to settle the people in the area and, therefore, the inevitable contact with unknown indian people who, in general, represented the main obstacles to the Portuguese willings, estimulated the development of new strategies of control and conquest by the Crown based on local aspects and contexts. We intend to study the institution in order to identify its competences, its area of influence and the mecanisms of its work, observing the making of its resolutions and the ways the directions were made, considering that, due to the diversity of its composition, the Junta das Missões de Pernambuco became a privileged locus to comprehend the different interests in dispute. Considering the jurisdiction of the Junta on the capitanias de fora of northern backlands of the State of Brazil, we intend to investigate its action in the configuration of policies for the indians, knowing that the institution dedicated its efforts to the management of the missionary project, as well as to the viabilization of the metropolitan interests in the area. In other words, we intend to observate not only its missionary dimension, but also its political dimension, keeping in mind that it was an institution that mantained, directly or undirectly, the stability of the Portuguese domain in Pernambuco and in its annexed captaincies.

A partir d’un corpus télévisé issu des chaînes publiques hertziennes, cette recherche analyse les modalités discursives de traitement télévisuel des contentieux postcoloniaux,- au cœur des mobilisations afro-antillaises articulées autour de trois pôles de luttes (visibilité, discriminations et reconnaissance mémorielle),- réapparus sous la forme d’une nouvelle «Question noire» française durant les années 2000. Il est question plus précisément d’identifier les régimes de monstration de ces mobilisations dont la mise en débat public révèle leur problématisation éristique, à travers un mode d’accès essentiellement polémique à l’agenda médiatique. Ce mode d’admission télévisuel a pour effet l’exhumation en permanence d’un clivage ethno-racial dans les discours publics et médiatiques. En outre, la monstration se déploie à travers le registre d’une mise en scène symbolique de l’opposition entre deux types de figures médiatiques : d’un côté, les Ultra-républicains, dans le rôle des défenseurs autoproclamés de la république et de l’autre, les figures minoritaires engagées dans les actions de contestation de leur statut en son sein. Enfin, cette étude met au jour le déploiement, d’un côté, des procédures discursives de disqualification du minoritaire et de l’autre, celles liées à la re-légitimation du modèle républicain d’intégration dans le processus de prise en charge publique des contentieux postcoloniaux. Cette thèse est structurée autour de deux parties. La première partie s’ouvre sur l’histoire de la présence afro-antillaise en France. Elle met en exergue, dans un premier chapitre, les fondements historiques de la présence noire hexagonale. La deuxième partie concerne notre enquête sur la monstration des revendications afro-antillaises. Charpentée autour de cinq chapitres, cette partie est consacrée à l’analyse des 38 émissions de notre corpus reparties sur une période de dix ans entre 1998 et 2008. / From a French public channels corpus, this study aims to analize Tv representions of postcolonial contentious issues, in the heart of French Blacks mobilisations which are structured around three mean claims (visibility, discriminations and memory recognition). Describing the will of French Blacks to exist on public sphere, these claims make the historic debate of the “Question noire” reappeared from the 2000s. The research, which intends to question the way in which Afro carribean mobilisations were told and represented on French public television, identifies following major trends. Fisrtly, the television debates analysis underlines an “eristic problematisation” of “Question noire” related issues with essentially polemical media coverage. The result of this type of access to the media agenda is a constant exhumation of an ethnoracial split in media and public discourses. Secondly, Tv coverage analysis reveals a symbolic production of an opposition between two dominant media figures. In one side, the “Ultra-républicains” playing the rôle of self-proclaimed defenders of French republic, and, on the other side, a coalition of minoriy claims defenders. The study, at last, reveals both discourses of disqualification of the minorities, and, discourses of re-legitimation of the French model of integration. This thesis consists of two parts. The first one deals with French Black history. It presents historic reasons of their presence from slavery up to decolonization. The second part explores the representation of postcolonial contentious issues in French public televisions. Structured on five chapters, it proposes a content analysis of our corpus based on 38 broadcasts between 1998 and 2008.