[Message from the Honorable Minister of Education, Prof. Kader Asmal]: I am pleased to provide a message for this important Guide to South African Universities and Technikons so soon after my appointment as Minister of Education. Each country depends on the higher education system to meet high human resource needs and to be the engine for the creation of new knowledge and innovation, and critical discourse. Our system offers students a wide choice of career options in a variety of differing environments of a world-class standard. Our universities and technikons play a vital role in preparing students, by equipping them with the necessary knowledge and skills, to take up their rightful place in society and to contribute to the socio-economic development of our country and the many other countries from which students come to study in South Africa. This also affords them the opportunity of making a substantial contribution to the development of human resources in their specialised fields. Like schools, our universities, technikons and other third level institutions must become vibrant centres of community and cultural life. We are looking at the ways in which universities can contribute to the responsibility of citizenship - within an atmosphere of voluntary help. This may be in the form of community service, which many institutions are already involved in, or, for instance, in the form of assisting with a national literacy campaign. In addition they must provide a safe and secure environment conducive to promoting their mission of teaching and learning, scholarship and research, and community service. Proper preparation for the challenges of a fast globalising world is essential if our students are to contribute to the development of the societies and the countries in which they live. Therefore I am committed to building a responsive higher education system of high quality. Such a system should demonstrate its readiness to meet the challenges of the 20st Century.

[Editor's Letter]: This 14th edition of Study South Africa foregrounds the celebration of 20 years of a democratic South Africa. Patrick Fish was commissioned to write a series of articles reflecting the development of South African Higher Education since 1994 for this edition. Reading through this the reader will hopefully experience a sense of the transformation of the South African Higher Education system. Although we all agree in South Africa that we are not done yet, we also recognise that given the South African realities, the change from a race based and fragmented system of higher education to a single but diverse system is well under way. The South African Universities transformed from mostly mono cultural to multicultural institutions that largely reflects the composition of the South African population. The University campuses also demonstrate the institutional appetite to be international. Not only do they jointly house more than 50,000 international students but are also involved in numerous ways in bringing the benefits of being globally connected to the local communities. We are one of the few higher education systems that largely fund our international activities from institutional budgets. This is one of the main reasons that South African Universities practice a style of internationalisation that is relevant to our institutional needs, as well as the local and national needs. Through our internationalisation endeavours we have connected with the rest of Africa in a very special way. Not only do we educate large numbers of students from other African countries but through the South African Higher Education alumni that now live all over the African continent we have built permanent connections that will enhance and develop long standing relationships. IEASA celebrates with all South Africans 20 years of democracy and realise that it is indeed a privilege to be practitioners in transformed ‘knowledge cities’. We are, however, saddened by the incidents of intolerance and destruction in other parts of the world that make the work of higher education institutions impossible, and can only in solidarity with those scholars at risk celebrate with deep appreciation the efforts and determination of those South Africans that made it possible for us to be Universities in a free and democratic society.

Submitted by LIVIA MORENA BRANTES BEZERRA (morena.livia@gmail.com) on 2016-09-30T13:28:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LIVIA MORENA modificada.pdf: 2469924 bytes, checksum: cdf6b1987814b144cae190483805c16b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-10-04T12:40:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 bezerra_lmb_me_ippri.pdf: 2469924 bytes, checksum: cdf6b1987814b144cae190483805c16b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T12:40:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 bezerra_lmb_me_ippri.pdf: 2469924 bytes, checksum: cdf6b1987814b144cae190483805c16b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-24 / Nan contèks ekonomik ak politik nap jwenn Ayiti jounen jodiya, èd yo konn ofri là ap liye dirèkman nan pwojè sosiyete yo vle devlople epi espas sa a se an diskisyon li ye. Agrikilti ayisyen an absòbe anpil jefò nan rekiperasyon peyi a, malgre jefò sa yo pa tèlman efikaz pou ankoraje soverente alimantè nan peyi a. Pou nou kapab konpran ki wòl jwe pliziè pwen de vi sou kowoperasyon entenasyonal la epi ki efè yo genyen nan lavi moun yo, nou fè yon revizyon istorik sou sitiasyon ayisyen, ki abòde jann okipasyon ak kolonizasyon te fè nan zile a, refleksyon pou la premye revolisyon viktorye fèt pou travayè esklav yo epi koman kapitalis depandan ayisyen an te devlope. Jan violan li te deplwaye, a dèt, koudetà epi long diktati Duvalier, tout sa yo mete deyò yon gwo mas travayè, ki te konsantre nan mòn yo, oubyen yo te migre, pou garanti mwayen pou yo viv. Agrikilti kap devlope nan mòn yo se depandan lanati li ye, paske teknoloji yo pa disponib pou yo mete kanpe li nan ti pòs tè ayisyen. Mètnan agrikilti sa a bay si fatig, iminans catastwòf la. Pou garanti mwayen pou yo viv, fòm oganizasyon pèp ayisyen yo ak kilti tèt li, Kreyol, Vodou ak Lakou, se zouti enpòtan pou konstwi rezistans ayisyen, depi yo oganize nan yon pèrspektiv liberasyon, pa de opresyon, tankou yo te itilize nan tann ki sot pase yo. Fòk nou rekonèt epi valorize yo. Prezans entenasyonal an Ayiti lap defye, sitou sou wòl li jwe nan rekonstriksyon, wòl yo pwoklame, men yo pajanm reyalize. ONG yo ak Entenasyonal Kominote, kap travay pou diminye prekarizasyon lavi pèp ayisyen, ap apeze opresyon tipik kapital la, fonksyone tankou zouti kominote por neyoliberalism La, epi yo pa sous finansman ak fòmasyon, ki kapab fè enfliyans resistans ayisyen an. Ensenble peyi Sid yo kapab enfliyans peyizaj sa a, depi yap voye kontenjan militè yo pou yo antretyen lòd la, atravè Misyon Nasyonzini yo.Pandan sa a, Mouvman Sosyal yo ki konpran ke fòk fè pouse solidarite ant pèp yo, yo chèche egzèsis li, yap etabli lyen ant yo epi yap chanje eksperians, kapasite, fòmasyon ak travay. Se konsa Via Campesina te ne, epi se konsa li etabli nan Amerik Latin nan, espesyalman an Ayiti. Se sa yo ki gwo diferans ant aksyon ki emplwaye pou kowoperasyon entenasyonal la ak solidarite ouvriye yo: entansyon, pratik ak objèktif yo. / No contexto econômico e político em que se encontra o Haiti nos dias atuais, a ajuda que se oferece ali está diretamente ligada ao projeto de sociedade que pretende se desenvolver e esse espaço está em disputa. A agricultura haitiana absorve grandes esforços na recuperação do país, embora esses esforços sejam pouco eficientes na promoção da soberania alimentar naquele país. Para entender qual papel desempenham as diversas concepções de cooperação internacional e qual seus efeitos sobre a vida das pessoas, fizemos um resgate histórico da situação haitiana, abordando a forma como se deu a ocupação e colonização da ilha, os reflexos da primeira revolução vitoriosa de trabalhadores escravizados e como se desenvolveu o capitalismo dependente haitiano. A forma violenta como foi implantado, por meio de endividamento, golpes de estado e da longa ditadura Duvalier, excluiu uma grande massa de trabalhadores desse processo, que se concentraram nas montanhas, a garantir seu sustento, ou migraram, para garantir a reprodução de sua vida. A agricultura desenvolvida nos montes é dependente da natureza, pois as tecnologias não estão disponíveis para implantação nas pequenas posses haitianas, ela por sua vez dá sinais de esgotamento, iminência da catástrofe. Para garantir sua sobrevivência, as formas de organização do povo haitiano e sua cultura em si, o Kreyol, o Vodou e o Lakou, podem ser importantes instrumentos para construção da resistência haitiana, desde que organizados sob uma perspectiva libertadora, e não opressora, como já foram utilizados em outras épocas. É preciso reconhecê-los e valorizá-los. A atuação Internacional no Haiti tem sido contestada, principalmente quanto ao seu papel reconstrutor, tão clamado, mas raramente realizado. As ONGs e a Internacional Comunitária, trabalhando para diminuir a precariedade em que vive o povo haitiano, aplacando a opressão típica do capital, funcionam como instrumentos comunitários do neoliberalismo e não como fontes de recursos e formação capazes de influenciar na resistência haitiana. O conjunto de países do Sul também influencia nesse cenário, fornecendo contingentes militares para manutenção da Ordem, através das Missões das Nações Unidas. Os movimentos sociais, por sua vez, entendendo que deve haver uma crescente solidariedade entre os povos, buscam exercitá-la, estabelecendo laços entre si e trocando experiências, capacidades, formação e trabalho. Assim nasce a Via Campesina, e assim se estabelece na América Latina, e especialmente no Haiti. Essa é a grande diferença entre as ações empregadas pela cooperação internacional e a solidariedade proletária: as intenções, práticas e objetivos. / In the economical and political context in which we found Haiti nowadays, the help offered there is directly linked to the project of society intended to be developed, and this space is in dispute. The Haitian agriculture absorbs great efforts in the recovery of the country, although these efforts tend to be inefficient in the promotion of the food sovereignty there. To understand the role of a variety of conceptions of international cooperation and what are their effects over the life of the people, we have make a historical rescue of the Haitian situation, addressing the way how occupation and colonization of the island occurred, the reflections of the first victorious revolution of slavered workers and how has the Haitian dependent capitalism developed. The violent way it was implemented, through debt, coups d’état, and with the long Duvalier dictatorship, excluded a great mass of workers, who concentrated in the mountains, ensuring their livelihood, or migrated ensuring the reproduction of their lives. The agriculture they develop in the mountains depends on the nature, once the technologies are not available to be used in the little Haitian ownerships. Meanwhile, nature gives signs of exhaustion, impending catastrophe. In order to guarantee their survival, the ways Haitian people organize themselves and their culture itself, the Kreyol, the Vodou and the Lakou, can be important instruments to build the Haitian resistance, if they’re organized by a liberating perspective, not oppressing, like it was used in the past. We need to recognize them and enrich them. The international acting in Haiti has been contested, mainly because it's rebuilding so claimed role is rarely accomplished. The NGOs and the Communal International, working to reduce the precariousness in which Haitian people live, placating typical oppression of capital, behave like communal instruments of neoliberalism and not like funding and education sources, capable of actuate in the Haitian resistance. The ensemble of the South countries also accounts for this scenario, sending military contingents to maintain the order, through United Nations Missions. Meanwhile, social movements, knowing that there must be a growing solidarity between the people, search to exercise it, establishing links between them and exchanging experiences, capacities, education and work. That is how Via Campesina is born, and that is how it establishes through Latin America, especially in Haiti. Those are the great differences between the actions employed by the international cooperation and the proletarian solidarity: the intentions, the actions and the goals. / En el contexto económico y político en que se encuentra Haití actualmente, la ayuda que se ofrece allí está directamente enlazada al proyecto de sociedad que se busca desarrollar y ese espacio está en disputa. La agricultura haitiana absorbe grandes esfuerzos en la recuperación del país, aún que ellos sean poco eficaces en la búsqueda de la soberanía alimentar en aquel país. Para comprender cuál es el juego de roles de los diversos conceptos de cooperación internacional y cual son sus efectos sobre la vida de las personas, hicimos un rescate histórico de la situación haitiana, como se pasan la ocupación y la colonización de la isla, los reflejos de la primera revolución victoriosa de trabajadores esclavizados y como se desarrolló el capitalismo dependiente haitiano. La forma violenta como fue implantado, por medio del endeudamiento, golpes de estado y de la longa dictadura Duvalier, excluyó una gran masa de trabajadores, que se concentraran en las montañas, a garantizar su sustento, o migraran, para asegurar la reproducción de su vida. La agricultura hecha en los montes es dependiente de la naturaleza, porque las tecnologías no están disponibles en las pequeñas tenencias haitianas, ella por su parte da señales de agotamiento, inminencia de la catástrofe. Para garantizar su sobrevivencia, las formas de organización del pueblo haitiano e su cultura en si, el Kreyol, el Vodou y el Lakou, poden ser importantes instrumentos para la construcción de la resistencia haitiana, siempre que organizados bajo una perspectiva libertadora, y no opresora, como han sido ya utilizados. Se hace necesario reconocerlos y valorizarlos. La actuación internacional en Haití ha sido contestada, principalmente cuanto a su rol reconstructor, tan clamado, pero raramente cumplido. Las ONGs y la Internacional Comunitaria, trabajando para disminuir la precariedad en que vive el pueblo haitiano, apaciguando la opresión típica del capital, funcionan como instrumentos comunitarios del neoliberalismo y no como fuentes de recursos y formación capaces de influenciar la resistencia haitiana. El conjunto de países del Sur también influencia este escenario, forneciendo contingentes militares para manutención de la orden, por medio de las Misiones de las Naciones Unidas. Los movimientos sociales, por su lado, comprendiendo que debe haber una creciente solidaridad entre los pueblos, buscan ejercitarla, estableciendo lazos entre si y cambiando experiencias, capacidades, formación y trabajo. Así nasce la Vía Campesina, y así se establece en la América Latina, y especialmente en Haití. Esa es la gran diferencia entre las acciones empleadas por la cooperación internacional y la solidaridad proletaria: las intenciones, prácticas y objetivos.

Orientador: Silvia Beatriz Adoue / Resumo: No contexto econômico e político em que se encontra o Haiti nos dias atuais, a ajuda que se oferece ali está diretamente ligada ao projeto de sociedade que pretende se desenvolver e esse espaço está em disputa. A agricultura haitiana absorve grandes esforços na recuperação do país, embora esses esforços sejam pouco eficientes na promoção da soberania alimentar naquele país. Para entender qual papel desempenham as diversas concepções de cooperação internacional e qual seus efeitos sobre a vida das pessoas, fizemos um resgate histórico da situação haitiana, abordando a forma como se deu a ocupação e colonização da ilha, os reflexos da primeira revolução vitoriosa de trabalhadores escravizados e como se desenvolveu o capitalismo dependente haitiano. A forma violenta como foi implantado, por meio de endividamento, golpes de estado e da longa ditadura Duvalier, excluiu uma grande massa de trabalhadores desse processo, que se concentraram nas montanhas, a garantir seu sustento, ou migraram, para garantir a reprodução de sua vida. A agricultura desenvolvida nos montes é dependente da natureza, pois as tecnologias não estão disponíveis para implantação nas pequenas posses haitianas, ela por sua vez dá sinais de esgotamento, iminência da catástrofe. Para garantir sua sobrevivência, as formas de organização do povo haitiano e sua cultura em si, o Kreyol, o Vodou e o Lakou, podem ser importantes instrumentos para construção da resistência haitiana, desde que organizados sob uma perspect... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre

A presente tese diz respeito à análise das hipóteses de atribuição da guarda dos filhos incapazes de pessoas que, por alguma razão, vivam separadamente, desmanchando eventual vínculo familiar entre elas existente. Corno esse fato não é apto a desfazer os vínculos entre cada um dos genitores e seus filhos, torna-se imperiosa a atribuição da guarda a um ou a ambos os pais (guarda simples, alternada ou compartilhada). A análise da questão toma em consideração os casos com elemento estrangeiro, ou seja, com algum fator que possa desvincular o caso fático de sua subsunção exclusiva ao ordenamento jurídico nacional, ligando-o, potencialmente, a outro ordenamento jurídico, quer pelo fato de um dos pais ser nacional de ou domiciliado em Estado estrangeiro, quer porque a criança seja estrangeira, ou, ainda, por um dos genitores manifestar a intenção de passar a residir no exterior, mesmo que todos os elementos até então existentes indicassem conexão exclusiva com o ordenamento brasileiro. Além da atribuição da guarda, outras conseqüências podem advir dessa relação fática, como a manutenção ou não do poder familiar, a regulamentação do direito de visitas, a estipulação do valor da pensão alimentícia etc. Torna-se necessário, assim, decidir qual a lei aplicável para a regulação da questão, bem como de suas conseqüências imediatas, vale dizer, a regulamentação do regime de visitas para o genitor afastado da convivência diuturna com os filhos, além da fixação da quantia necessária para a subsistência das crianças, por meio da pensão alimentícia a que façam jus. O estudo considera o direito à convivência familiar plena enquanto princípio maior e reitor da questão. O tema envolve, assim, urna série de institutos jurídicos ligados, em última análise, à proteção da criança em suas relações privadas (familiares), sejam elas de âmbito eminentemente pessoal, sejam, por outro lado, de âmbito patrimonial, englobando-se, desse modo, os direitos humanos e o direito internacional privado. Levou-se em conta o direito internacional privado convencional existente, mas ainda não ratificado pelo Estado brasileiro, indicando a eventual pertinência no que respeita a urna futura ratificação. A existência de uma série de convenções internacionais sobre o tema ainda não ratificadas pelo Brasil exigiu uma análise da questão não apenas do ponto de vista do direito interno, mas também, e principalmente, relativa à regulamentação sugerida pela sociedade internacional. O objetivo maior foi dar tratamento sistemático à matéria e indicar ao legislador nacional e ao Poder Executivo - dotado de competência para representar o país nas relações internacionais - um caminho que pode ser seguido pelo Estado brasileiro no que concerne à ratificação ou não dos tratados internacionais existentes sobre o assunto. A falta de estudos sistemáticos no Brasil a respeito do tema tem o condão de justificar a escolha empreendida, indicando a sua importância e sua originalidade, mormente quando se pretende indicar aos órgãos competentes as vantagens e/ou desvantagens que o sistema é capaz de proporcionar, seja na eleição do elemento de conexão posto em relevo para a escolha da lei aplicável à hipótese, seja nos aspectos procedimentais e de cooperação internacional envolvidos. O trabalho, em razão dos preceitos legislativos abrangidos, exigiu fossem seguidas duas metodologias distintas: uma de raiz e cunho dogmáticos a respeito dos institutos jurídicos conexos à questão e outra, de raiz e cunho comparativos a respeito da colação entre os sistemas existentes, qual seja, o sistema vigente no país e o sistema indicado pela sociedade internacional como o mais adequado para regular a questão. O método comparativo não se confunde com a mera descrição dos ordenamentos jurídicos (nacional e internacional), exigindo, isso sim, a análise de cada um dos fatores considerados relevantes em ambos os ordenamentos, procedendo-se a quadros comparativos que permitam ao intérprete atingir qual o sistema legislativo mais adequado para a hipótese. Não é recomendável, na aplicação de tal método, a análise de muitos ordenamentos jurídicos, daí por que a limitação do trabalho. Assim, não se perverte o método, conservando-se a cientificidade que o trabalho visou realizar. / The present thesis concerns the analysis of hypotheses on attributing the custody of children to people who, for some reason, live separately, undoing the possible family bond existing between them. As this fact is cannot undo the bonds between each of the parents and their children, the attribution of custody to one or to both parents (simple, alternate or shared custody) becomes imperious. The analysis of the matter takes into consideration the cases with a foreign element, that is, with a factor that may disentail the phatic case from its exclusive subsunction to the national legal system, potentially linking it to another legal system, be it for the fact of one of the parents being a foreign citizen or domiciled in a foreign country, be it for the child being a foreigner, or, still, for one of the parents manifesting the intention of living abroad, even if all the elements existing until then indicate exclusive connection with the Brazilian legal system. Besides the attribution of custody, other consequences may derive from this phatic relationship, such as the maintenance or not of the family power, the regulation of visit rights, the stipulation of the fee, etc. It turns thus necessary to decide what law is applicable to regulate the matter, as well as their immediate consequences, that is, the regulation of the visit regime for the parent removed from the daily coexistence with the children, besides the establishment of the necessary sum for the childrens subsistence, by means of the alimony they are entitled to. The study considers the full family coexistence right, while a major principle and ruler of the matter. The theme thus involves a number of legal institutions, in a final analysis, linked to children protection in their private (family) relationships, either of eminently personal ambit, or, conversely, of patrimonial ambit, thus comprehending human rights and private international law. The work took into consideration conventional existing private international law, not yet ratified by Brazil, indicating the possible pertinence concerning a future ratification. The existence of a number of international conventions on the theme, not yet ratified by Brazil, required an analysis of the matter, not only from the point of view of domestic right, but also - and mainly - related to the regulation suggested by international society. The major purpose was to provide a systematic treatment to the matter and to indicate to the national lawmaker and to the Executive Power endowed with competence to represent Brazil in international affairs a path that may be followed by Brazil concerning the ratification or not of the existing international treaties on the matter. The lack of systematic studies on the theme in Brazil have the prerogative of justifying the choice undertaken, indicating its importance and originality, specially when intending to indicate to the competent organisms the advantages and/or disadvantages the system is capable of providing, be it in the choice of the connecting factor detached for choosing the law applicable to the hypothesis, be it in the procedural and international cooperation aspects involved. The work, owing to the legislative rules encompassed, required two distinct methodologies to be followed: one of dogmatic root and character with respect to the legal institutions connected to the matter and another, of comparative root and character with respect to the collation of the existing systems, which is the system in force in Brazil and the system indicated by the international society as the most adequate to regulate the matter. The comparative method is not to be confounded with the mere description of (national and international) law systems, but one requiring the analysis of each of the factors considered relevant in both systems, referring to comparative tables that allow the interpreter to decide on the most adequate legal system for the hypothesis. In the application of the method, the analysis of different legal systems is not advisable, hence the limitation of the work. Therefore, the method is not perverted, preserving the scientificity aimed at by the work.

O presente estudo visa analisar o contexto internacional na produção estratégica de insumos nucleares para a área da saúde e como o processo de crescente interação política entre os países influencia na tomada de decisão dos gestores dos sistemas nacionais de saúde, tendo em vista a importância de alcançarem maiores graus de autonomia frente aos oligopólios mundiais que dominam a produção de equipamentos para a saúde. Neste contexto, utilizou-se a abordagem teórica fornecida pelo estudo do Complexo Industrial em Saúde (GADELHA, 2003), que fornece elementos para discutir a interação entre o sistema de saúde e o sistema econômico-industrial, mostrando a dicotomia existente na relação entre ambos, que se exprime na deterioração do potencial de inovação do país e na vulnerabilidade externa da política de saúde. Para tanto, a escolha pela investigação do caso empírico de criação do Reator Multipropósito Brasileiro se deu pelo envolvimento de diferentes setores institucionais no processo e que influenciam diretamente na estruturação de um parque de alta densidade tecnológica e científica ligado à área da saúde que poderiam elevar o país a um patamar diferenciado em termos de cooperação internacional e estratégia geopolítica. Os métodos utilizados incluíram pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o tema e análise de dados secundários que circundam o processo de incorporação da tecnologia estudada / This study aims to analyze the international context in the production of strategic nuclear supplies to the health sector and how the process of increasing political interaction between countries influence in decision-making of managers of the national health systems, in view of the importance of achieving greater degrees of autonomy against the oligopolies that dominate the world production of equipment for health. In this context, the theoretical approach was provided by the study of the health Industrial complex (GADELHA, 2003), which provides elements to discuss the interaction between the health system and the economicindustrial system, showing the dichotomy that exists in the relationship between the two, which is expressed in the deterioration of the innovation potential of the country and in the external vulnerability of health policy. For both, the choice by the empirical case investigation of Brazilian Multipurpose Reactor took place by the involvement of different institutional sectors in the process and that influence directly in the structuring of a high scientific and technological density linked to healthcare that could elevate the country to a plateau in terms of international cooperation and geopolitical strategy. The methods used included bibliographical research and secondary data analysis that surround the process of incorporation of technology

This research looks at social policy making in Venezuela and Brazil with the objective of alleviating poverty, with special focus on meeting Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) that were set in 2000. Considering the leftist democratic governments that have been established in Latin America since Hugo Chávez was elected president in 1998, and later with Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva in 2002, the research seeks to understand and illustrate what nuances exist in strategy, ideas and implementation of social policy that would positively affect the underprivileged for a more equal and just society. The two countries have deep historical and structural inequalities from slavery, colonialism, imbalanced distribution of resources and like most developing nations of the Global South, have had to endure structural adjustments that have entrenched poverty levels further. Arguments in the past have been made for economic prosperity and economic growth as good indicators for development, however, the research takes a comparative analysis on how Venezuela (through Barrio Adentro and multiple state driven Missions) and Brazil (state supported Bolsa Familia and Universal Health System), have targeted health and education as the primary sectors not just to transform society but also because it is through these sectors that the most effective and efficient manner to measure human development which has thus far been neglected. The research also examines the leadership of the countries which speaks to the differing approaches adopted, style, rhetoric and political realities; and how they have been received not just domestically, but also internationally. The outcomes of the research illustrate a good link between literacy, education and health and a healthy level of state intervention that requires reciprocal social participation for programmes to succeed. Brazil and Venezuela have shown notable creativity and effectiveness in this regard.

La corruption se définit de la manière la plus large comme tout « abus de pouvoir aux fins d’un profit privé ». Sous ses différentes formes, elle apparaît intimement liée à l’exercice du pouvoir. Cette dimension politique en fait l’envers de la démocratie, ainsi qu’un phénomène criminel particulièrement difficile à identifier, poursuivre et réprimer. Au cours des dernières décennies, elle aurait acquis une nouvelle dimension mondiale, rendant nécessaire une constante adaptation des dispositifs tant préventifs que répressifs. Cependant, le système pénal anti-corruption semble tributaire des profondes tensions générées par la confrontation permanente de la logique de l’État de droit à celle du pouvoir. Les résistances politiques s’avèrent nombreuses dans la perspective de diminuer les obstacles à une pleine efficacité répressive. Le juge pénal se trouve alors placé en première ligne de ce processus dialectique. Par son audace investigatrice et sa jurisprudence compensatrice, il contribuerait de manière décisive à faire évoluer le droit et, plus largement, à redéfinir les équilibres démocratiques entre pouvoir et contre-pouvoir. Sur le plan national, la justice acquiert ainsi une autonomie, une légitimité et une indépendance inédites. À travers la lutte contre la corruption transnationale, ce droit sous haute tension doit répondre au double défi de son efficacité et de son extranéité. L’approche systémique de la lutte contre la corruption permet alors de penser la cohérence d’ensemble des dispositifs juridiques, qu’il s’agit d’aligner suivant le même but : constituer une barrière protectrice pour le bien commun / Corruption is defined, in the broadest sense as any “abuse of power for private gain”. In its various forms, this phenomenon appears to be closely linked to the exercise of power. This political dimension makes it the opposite of democracy, as well as a criminal phenomenon which is particularly difficult to identify, prosecute and control. In the last decades, corruption has acquired a new international dimension that seemingly requires the constant adjustment of measures and provisions of law. However, the system dedicated to anti-corruption is seemingly born out of deep tensions generated by the permanent confrontation of the logic of the rule of law with the logic of power. There remains much political resistance to addressing the enforcement gap and remove the barriers to full repressive efficiency. The criminal judge is therefore placed at the forefront of this dialectical process. Through his investigative boldness and establishment of compensatory jurisprudence, the criminal judge contributes decisively to developing the law and, more broadly, to redefine the democratic balance between power and countervailing checks and balances. Nationally, justice thus acquires unprecedented autonomy, legitimacy and independence. Through the fight against transnational corruption, this law under high pressure must meet the dual challenge of its effectiveness and its foreignness. As a result, the systemic approach to the fight against corruption suggests we might think legal provisions in their overall consistency, with respect to their final aim: provide a line of defense for the common good

La justice pénale est aujourd’hui confrontée au numérique et le développement des données dématérialisées, dont la valeur patrimoniale ne cesse de s’accroître, lui pose des défis de nature idéologique, sociologique, économique, géopolitique et, bien évidemment juridique. Elle doit faire face à la cybercriminalité qui se joue du temps, de l’espace et des législations puisque les actes illicites se déroulent désormais dans le cyberespace. Mais, pour que le système de justice pénale puisse contribuer efficacement à la lutte contre la cybercriminalité, les États doivent pouvoir s’appuyer sur un ensemble de règles juridiques contre cette criminalité et des systèmes de justice pénale qui fonctionnent correctement, doivent avoir les capacités nécessaires pour démêler les affaires pénales qui peuvent être complexes et coopérer à la répression de la cybercriminalité au plan international / Nowdays, Criminal justice is confronted to digital and the development of dematerialized data, whose heritage value is still increasing, raise challenges of ideological, sociological, economical, geopolitical and of course legal nature. Criminal justice needs to deal with cybercrime which make light of time, space and legislation because illicit acts now take place in cyberspace. However, so that the criminal justice system can contribute effectively to fight against cybercrime, states should be able to lean on a set of legal rules against crime and criminal justice systems which work correctly, should have the necessary abilities to get to the bottom of legal affairs which can be complex and cooperate in cybercrime repression on the international level

A partir du milieu des années 1990, l’Union européenne (UE) s’est progressivement affirmée comme l’un des principaux partenaires des organisations régionales africaines en matière de paix et de sécurité. Des pratiques de soutien aux capacités africaines de maintien de la paix notamment se sont développées au niveau européen avec la création d’instruments dédiés et l’engagement de moyens financiers de plus d’1,1 Md€. Ces pratiques relèvent de ce que l’on appelle communément de la coopération militaire, mais elles sont apparues bien avant que ce domaine d’activité soit explicitement évoqué dans les traités. Elles ont en outre la particularité de s’être institutionnalisées non seulement dans le cadre de la Politique européenne de sécurité et de défense (PSDC), mais également dans celui de la coopération européenne au développement alors que ce dernier se limite traditionnellement à des activités de nature civile. Elles fournissent à ce titre un objet privilégié pour étudier les processus d’institutionnalisation à l’oeuvre au sein de la politique étrangère européenne en dehors des modifications successives des traités et du découpage des politiques qu’ils consacrent. Ces processus d’institutionnalisation renvoient en effet ici aux processus par lesquels sont produites et transformées les règles formelles et informelles qui régissent les pratiques au sein d’un espace social donné (Stone Sweet et al. 2000 ;Fligstein, 2001).<p><p>L’émergence et l’institutionnalisation de ces pratiques au niveau européen ne peuvent être réduites à une logique fonctionnelle ni au produit de rapports de force interétatiques, institutionnels ou bureaucratiques. Leur compréhension nécessite de prendre en compte la différenciation des espaces sociaux (ou secteurs) qui structurent les jeux d’acteurs au sein de la politique étrangère européenne autour d’enjeux, de règles et de luttes spécifiques (Buchet de Neuilly, 2005a ;Mérand, 2008a). Le soutien de l’UE aux capacités africaines de maintien de la paix apparaît dans cette perspective comme le produit de luttes récurrentes au sein et à l’intersection des secteurs du développement et de la sécurité qui en ont partiellement reconfiguré les représentations dominantes et les règles établies. Ces luttes ont mobilisé des acteurs distincts en réaction à des chocs externes différents ou interprétés différemment selon les secteurs considérés. Elles ont également suscité des résistances spécifiques et abouti à des pratiques sectoriellement différenciées.<p><p>Au-delà de leur enjeu manifeste, celui du maintien de la paix en Afrique, l’émergence et l’institutionnalisation de ces pratiques révèlent ainsi certains des jeux sectoriels et intersectoriels qui se déploient au sein de la politique étrangère européenne autour de la définition des modalités légitimes d’usage et de contrôle de ses ressources. Au sein du secteur du développement, ces luttes se sont concentrées sur la légitimité d’utiliser des fonds dédiés à la coopération pour financer des activités de nature militaire. Au sein du secteur de lasécurité, elles ont porté sur l’agrégation au niveau européen de ressources diplomatiques et militaires nationales au détriment de modes d’action bilatéraux et d’arènes de coordination non spécifiquement européennes comme l’OTAN ou l’ONU. A l’intersection de ces deux secteurs enfin, elles se sont cristallisées autour du degré de contrôle des diplomates sur les ressources propres à l’aide au développement ou, en d’autres termes, autour du degré d’autonomie dont bénéficient les acteurs de développement européens vis-à-vis de la PESC/PSDC. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished