Quando se considera a Segurança Internacional da América Latina, comprovasse a inexistência de um ator regional com excedente de poder necessário, tanto em Hard power, poderes econômico, militar, e de mobilização, como de Soft power, de liderança passiva pela persuasão da conveniência da emulação e pela convicção de resultados melhores pela cooperação com o líder ou primus inter pares. Portanto, o exercício de um Smart power, o hábil e eficaz equilíbrio dos dois poderes mencionados só poderá acontecer dentro de um condomínio de boa vontade entre os países da região. Uma Segurança Cooperativa Sustentável para América Latina, com participação seminal dos países do Cone Sul será o objeto de análise deste trabalho. O Brasil e seus vizinhos do Cone Sul, com um peso específico importante na região, devem demonstrar Vontade Nacional e capacidade operativa para facilitar a realização de consensos entre os países envolvidos para garantir uma gestão sustentável da agenda regional de segurança. Isto se torna de particular premência numa conjuntura internacional onde ameaças e desafios relativos a região carecem de qualquer prioridade global, enquanto graves crises atuais e futuras imediatas se ensejam em zonas mais críticas ao Sistema Internacional. Como conseqüência caberá aos países da sub-região exercer eficientemente a vigilância, a prevenção e a rápida solução das ameaças e desafios a segurança. / The inexistence of a regional actor with the required excess of power is observed when considering the International Security of Latin America. Both in Hard power, the economical, military and mobilization powers, and in Soft power, the passive leadership obtained by persuasion of the convenience of imitation, as well as by the conviction of better results granted from cooperation with the leader or primus inter pares. Therefore, the exercise of Smart power, the efficient balance of the afore mentioned powers, can only succeed within an ambient of good will among the nations of the region. For Latin America a Sustainable Cooperative Security, with a seminal role of the countries of the Southern Cone will be the object of analysis of this study. Brazil and its Southern Cone neighbors, with their important specific weight in the region, must make explicit their National Will and operative capacity to enable the consensuses needed among the countries involved to assure a sustainable management of the regional security agenda. These factors are of paramount importance in an international context when threats and challenges related to this region lack any global prominence, at a time when the gravest present, and immediate future, crisises happen in most critical regions of the international System. Consequently, the countries of this sub-region will be forced to efficiently manage by themselves the surveillance, the preventive measures, and the swift solution of threats and challenges to the regions security.

The doctoral thesis Czechoslovakia and the Southern Cone 1945-1989 analyses political, economic and cultural relations between an important country of the Eastern Bloc and three countries of the southernmost area of South America - Argentina, Chile and Uruguay - during the Cold War. The main objective of the thesis is to interpret unpublished Czech and foreign archives. The first chapter outlines Czechoslovak policy towards Latin America in the period under consideration. The following sections describe the relations between Czechoslovakia and the individual countries of the Southern Cone. These chapters are divided according to the nature of relations into political, economic and cultural contacts. Each of these three parts is further divided into subsections which correspond to important milestones of mutual relations. The thesis ends with an interview with Stanislav Svoboda, a senior diplomat of communist Czechoslovakia. His observations shed new light on the archive documents. Without abandoning the effort of presenting foreign researchers with the value of Czech archives, whose importance is further increased by the limited accessibility of Russian archives, the paper attempts to analyse the issue in the broader context of international politics. In a bipolar world, each of these countries had...

The purpose of this study is to examine the Colombian conflict, more specifically how it became peace in Colombia after five decades. The study will be limited by year due to the scope of the study. The analysis will specifically focus on the years 2002 to 2016. This essay is a case study, with the Colombia conflict as the focus. Furthermore, the theoretical framework for the thesis will mainly be the rational choice model.  The analysis is based on various analysis tools and an analysis model. This will be consistent in the study that constitutes the main investigation in the thesis. The theoretical perspectives will be examined using the article "Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis" written by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. Furthermore, other relevant articles will be processed to get a better analysis of the Colombia conflict. The articles will, among other things, be of great help in answering the study's questions - In what way can the theory of rational choice explain the conflict resolution in Colombia between the years 2002–2016? And Which motives have primarily governed the state, the FARC guerrillas, and the AUC - paramilitary group.

[pt] A juventude passou ao longo dos séculos por construções ambíguas que informam suas mobilizações na política internacional. Entre narrativas de problema e/ou solução, os jovens foram assimilados e diferenciados dos adultos, passando por percepções de imaturidade, desenvolvimento, ingenuidade, inexperiência, recurso para o futuro e agentes da paz. Diante disso, este trabalho tem como propósito abordar como a categoria juventude é construída de maneira relacional a outras construções, como a de adulto, e os desdobramentos disso para a manutenção da ordem social. Com foco especial na agenda Juventude, Paz e Segurança (JPS), o trabalho propõe analisar como os jovens são mobilizados na política internacional por meio de debates sobre a participação da sociedade civil em processos de paz. O argumento central a ser desenvolvido é de que se por um lado a agenda JPS é um arcabouço normativo para os jovens exigirem políticas de inclusão em processos de paz, por outro ela pode ser usada como ferramenta da paz liberal, contribuindo para a manutenção de práticas de exclusão e participação simbólica dos jovens. A partir disso e com uma abordagem pós-estruturalista e pós-colonial, a dissertação busca engajar com os estudos críticos de juventude, questionando a partir deles formulações tidas como naturais e universais que regem a política internacional. / [en] Over the centuries, youth have undergone ambiguous constructions that inform their mobilizations in international politics. Between narratives of problem and/or solution, young people have been assimilated and differentiated from adults, passing through perceptions of immaturity, development, naivety, inexperience, a resource for the future, and agents of peace. In light of this, the purpose of this work is to address how the category of youth is constructed in a relational way to other constructions, such as that of adults, and the consequences of this for the maintenance of the social order. With a particular focus on the Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) agenda, this paper proposes to analyze how young people are mobilized in international politics through debates about the participation of civil society in peace processes. The central argument to be developed is that although on the one hand, the YPS agenda is a normative framework for young people to demand inclusion policies in peace processes, on the other hand, it can be used as a tool of liberal peace, contributing to the maintenance of practices of exclusion and symbolic participation of young people. Based on this and with a post-structuralist and post-colonial approach, the dissertation seeks to engage with critical youth studies, questioning, in light of their contributions, formulations taken as natural and universal that govern international politics.

Despite being free from colonialism for decades, the country continues to experience political instability and a lack of democracy. There is a knowledge gap when it comes to understanding democracy in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the challenges the country faces in establishing and maintaining a functioning democratic government. The purpose of this essay is to examine the political and social situation prevailing in the DRC in light of the challenges to sustaining and establishing a functioning democracy. Through a democratic and institutional perspective, the study will investigate the current situation in the country and how the established institutions impact its democratic development. The study is limited to the Democratic Republic of Congo (also abbreviated as DR Congo or Congo Kinshasa) and will be referred to as Congo in this essay. This limitation is due to the existence of two countries with similar history and destiny. The study is confined to the Democratic Republic of Congo (also abbreviated as DR Congo or Congo Kinshasa) and will be referred to as Congo in this essay. To achieve this purpose, previous research and reports from Freedom House will serve as the primary empirical material, supported by research from Amnesty International and previous studies in the field. The choice of Freedom House as a source is due to the organization's focus on states' situations and their degree of freedom and rights. In conclusion, the analysis of the political situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) reveals a discrepancy between the fundamental principles of the country's constitution and the actual practice. Despite the constitution establishing principles such as decentralized power, citizen participation, and protection of political rights, research from organizations like Freedom House and Amnesty International has shown that these principles are not upheld in practice.

Weapons can be good for their own safety at the same time, weapons can be a way to make money, by selling weapons. On the other hand, weapons can be a way to oppress people and protect their interests. The arms trade has been an important part of the Swedish economy. A significantly important thing that is increasingly normalized today is more arms exports to more countries This research problem I want to address is Sweden’s arms and munition exports to Saudi Arabia and the UAE between 2015 and 2020. It was in 2015 that Yemen war took place, and these countries chose to expand and strengthen their defense force to battle their enemies in the Yemen war. The purpose of this essay is how can Sweden’s weapons and munition exports to the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia be explained based on realism and liberalism. Realism and liberalism are theories that can help me to examine and understand the subject I chose. The subject is very controversial because of the humanitarian situation in Yemen and very interesting to examine. The thesis' approach will be carried out based on qualitative methods where I will use content analysis. Qualitative methods mean that all material collected during the work leads to a desire to dig deeper to analyze. My approach will consist of mass media articles, internet slurs, and debate articles, these sources publish by magazines, collections, and other sources. As a result, Sweden has expanded its arms and munitions exports to Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The result of the study shows that realism characterizes the international scene and international relations.

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Balance-of-Power theory was tested by examining the 1977-1978 Ethiopian-Somali conflict and its outcome. The theory, according to Waltz (1979), claims to explain the international outcome arising from realpolitik or power politics, namely, the formation of balances of power. Given the close fit between the major developments leading to the eruption of conflict and the principal propositions of balance-of-power theory, the outcome of the conflict was expected to be consistent with that posited by the theory. This expectation was borne out by the study's finding which indicated that the conflict has produced a similar result. Confirmation of the theory was achieved by further subjecting the finding to the verification test established by Waltz.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Este estudo propõe uma análise sobre Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Nascido na França em 1954, Le Monde Diplomatique conta atualmente com mais de 60 edições internacionais, publicadas em 25 idiomas. Em agosto de 2007, o periódico passou a ter uma edição impressa no Brasil, com a proposta de se posicionar como uma alternativa editorial politizada, declaradamente antiimperialista, antineoliberal e altermundialista. A partir da análise de suas doze primeiras edições publicadas no Brasil (entre agosto de 2007 e julho de 2008), esta dissertação busca evidenciar as ideias presentes na revista a respeito da realidade sóciopolítica contemporânea, com ênfase especial sobre a América Latina. Duas vertentes se cruzam nesta análise: a linha editorial e a linha política de Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, sublinhando seus papéis na imprensa e na política. Pretende-se destacar que tais duas questões cruzadas são elos da mesma corrente. E que essa corrente aponta para a busca de uma nova narrativa para uma história possível. / This study proposes an analysis of Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Created in 1954 in France, Le Monde Diplomatique currently has more than 60 international editions published in 25 languages. Since august 2007, the magazine has a Brazilian printed edition, which intends to position itself as an alternative media, publically anti-imperialist, anti-neoliberal and alterglobalization (also known as alter-mundialization from the French altermondialisme). From the editorial review of its twelve first editions published in Brazil (between August 2007 and July 2008), this study wants to highlight the ideas printed in the magazine about the social and political contemporary reality, with special attention to Latin America. Two lines are crossed in this analysis: the editorial line and the political line of Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, underscoring its role in the fields of media and international politics. Therefore, this study wants to highlight that these two issues are cross-links of the same chain. And that points to the search for a new narrative for a possible history.