本論文討論的問題是，國際政治因素對於匯率體制與政策有沒有影響？如果有影響，則國際政治因素如何影響匯率體制與匯率政策變化？國際政治因素影響匯率體制與匯率政策變化的程度有多大？我們希望透過以上問題的探討確認國際政治因素與匯率體制和匯率變化有無關係，然後分析國際政治因素透過怎樣的方式與機制來影響匯率體制與匯率政策，進而瞭解匯率變動與國際政治因素之間的因果關係為何？ 在上述問題下，我們有以下的研究假說： （一）匯率體制與名目匯率的變動除了受國內政治因素與經濟因素的影響外，國際政治因素對於匯率的變動亦是有影響。 （二）政府對於匯率政策的思考除了考量國內政治與經濟因素外，也考慮國際政治壓力因素。 （三）市場交易者對於匯率的預期與作為，除了受到總體經濟指標與國內政治局勢發展的影響外，也受到國際政治情勢變化的影響。 （四）國際貿易失衡下，貿易順差國對貿易逆差國依賴度上升，假如貿易逆差國為一強權國家，則強權國家會對貿易順差國有影響力。例如，兩國（A與B兩國）貿易失衡，A國在貿易順差累積大量外匯存底情況下，勢必會使得該國對於B國貿易依賴程度加深。在貿易失衡情況下，如果B國為強權國家，龐大貿易逆差的B國對於A國將會產生影響力。 在這些研究問題與假說下，本文將以人民幣匯率作為研究個案，藉由個案探討去回答上述問題。所以，我們探討人民幣匯率與匯率體制是否受到國際政治壓力？其次是國際社會如何對人民幣施壓？第三是中國政府與決策者如何反應？第四是市場如何反應與考量國際壓力對匯率的影響？最後是提出初步研究結果與結論。 根據本文研究，針對本文研究問題，我們認為： 首先，國際政治因素對匯率體制與名目匯率有沒有影響？而根據研究結果，我們的答案是肯定的。不過這個肯定的答案必須建構在下面的假設上，第一是兩國必須處於貿易失衡的關係，同時貿易逆差國為一強權國家。其次是在假設一之下，政府對匯率政策的思維不只是考量國內經濟與國內政治，也考量國際政治壓力。 其次第二個問題是國際政治因素如何影響匯率體制與匯率水平的變化。根據研究顯示，國際政治影響匯率體制與匯率水平的方式包括：公開施壓、雙邊高層官員會談、國際會議聯合施壓、甚至貿易制裁手段。通常首先透過公開發言的方式對貿易順差國施壓，要求貿易順差國對於經貿失衡現象做出相應措施，其中以調整匯率為主要要求，其次進一步透過雙邊高層官員直接面對面討論相關議題，藉由談判過程直接施加壓力，第三，則是在國際會議場合中和其他國家聯手施壓，對於匯率議題表達一致的立場形成聯合壓力，去迫使貿易順差國調整匯率制度與水平。第四則是威脅貿易制裁，透過提案以及口頭威脅貿易制裁方式，加重施壓的力道，對貿易順差國進一步施壓，最後則是實施貿易制裁。 第三個研究問題是國際政治因素影響匯率體制與名目匯率變化的程度有多大？從中國人民幣的案例中，我們可以發現，中國一開始面對來自國際壓力時就強硬表示不會改變現行匯率體制與水平。其強調由於中國本身經濟發展狀況與國內金融體制不健全，在加上美國貿易赤字並非完全中國所造成的，所以目前並沒有改變的需要。 但隨著不斷增加的雙邊貿易逆差與國際壓力，中國雖然仍沒有改變中國匯率體制與水平，但也開始改變表示願意思考人民幣改革的可能性並將人民幣完全自由浮動，完全由市場供需來決定作為最後終極目標。甚至到最後出其不意的改變人民幣匯率體制並升值2.1％。這顯示在中國改革人民幣過程中，國際政治因素扮演重要的角色，發揮重要影響力。因為在堅持不變的理由中，中國始終以國內經濟因素與中國內部穩定的政治性理由來拒絕國際社會的要求，但在最後改革的說帖中，中國也承認國際壓力是其推動匯率改革的重要因素，可見除了國內經濟與政治面向的考量外，國際政治因素也是具有重大影響力。 / This paper discusses whether exchange rate regimes and exchange rate policies are affected by international politics, as well as how international politics affect exchange rate regimes and exchange rates. By examining these questions, I would like to analyze the mechanism by which international politics affect exchange rates and figure out the relationship among exchange rate regime, policies and international politics. This paper puts forth four hypotheses. First of all, exchange rate regimes and exchange rates are not only affected by domestic politics and economic factors, but they are also affected by international politics. Second, decisions regarding exchange rate policies made by governments are based on international politics, domestic politics and economic factors. Third, the behavior and expectations of market traders are also affected by macro economic index, domestic political situation and international political situation. Forth, under bilateral trade imbalance, state B which is a great power and has large trade deficit with state A has influence on state A. State A and State B have an imbalance trade relationship. State A which has a large trade surplus will increase dependence on state B. Under these hypotheses, the author would like to answer the above questions by discussing the case of the Chinese currency, the Renminbi (RMB). Hence, the case study will ask the following questions. First of all, was the Chinese currency reform made on July 21, 2005 by the Chinese government affected by international politics? Second, how did the international community press the Chinese government to reform exchange rate regime? Third, how did the Chinese government respond to pressures from the international community and market? Fourth, how did market traders respond to and interpret interactions between the Chinese government and the international community. The research achieved the following results. First of all, under hypotheses two and four, exchange rate regimes and policies are affected by international politics. Second, ways which international politics affect exchange rates and regimes are through public pressure, bilateral official talks, trade sanctions, and oral threats. Public pressure is when a state with trade deficit asks a state which has trade surplus to adjust the exchange rate to reduce trade surplus. Bilateral official talks are when decision makers on both sides negotiate with each other for imbalance trade relationship. Exchange rate is an important dimension to negotiation. Trade sanctions are the last step to make the state which has trade surplus adjust exchange rate. Oral threats can be uses with the above mentioned measures. Third, in the case of RMB, the Chinese government rejected the international community’s request to adjust exchange and regime. Because of the weakness of China’s economic development and its unhealthy financial systems, the Chinese government rejected adjustments of exchange rate and regime under pressure from international communities. The Chinese government does not think that the undervalue of Chinese currency is the main reason of U.S. trade deficit and emphasized that there is no need to change RMB exchange rate and regime. With increasing trade surplus and pressure from international community, the Chinese government started to change its attitude towards the issue of RMB exchange rate. The Chinese government expressed that it was willing to consider the possibility of exchange rate reform, and movement of RMB exchange rate was fully determined by market forces. On July 21, 2005, the Chinese government adjusted regime and level of Chinese currency unexpectedly. The reform on July 21, 2005 implied that international politics played an important role in the exchange rate reform. Although the Chinese government denied that exchange rate reform was made under international pressure, international pressure is one of the main reasons behind the Chinese government changing the exchange rate policy according to the U.S. official’s testimony before the committee of Congress. The Chinese government reiterated that reform on July 21, 2005 was carried out according to the development of domestic economic development. But because of that, U.S. officials expressed that Chinese officials made a commitment of reform to them in bilateral talks, so we can understand that the international community has influence on the policy of exchange rate reform in addition to factors of domestic economy and politics.

La thèse s’intéresse à l’émergence de la déforestation tropicale comme problème que doivent traiter les négociations internationales sur le changement climatique. Depuis 2005, les représentants gouvernementaux du monde entier investiguent les moyens d’organiser l’action internationale pour inciter, économiquement, à maintenir sur pied le stock de carbone des forêts tropicales. D’un tel projet découle une foule de problèmes que la thèse propose d’analyser par une enquête ethnographique et multisite. Certains sont engendrés par la dimension mondiale de l’entreprise : il faut décider entre Etats souverains, trouver des méthodes de mesure comparables et concevoir des systèmes de redistribution monétaires. Quand d’autres sont plus spécifiques aux pays forestiers tropicaux et leur forte dépendance à l’aide au développement : il faut faire avec les défaillances de l’administration et tenir compte de la parole des populations dites locales. La thèse montre que ces problèmes engendrent une activité distribuée, fragile et sélective. Parce que la coercition n’est pas possible, les ambitions de cet aménagement international sont modestes et les montages conçus pour inventer un mode de décision internationale, pour négocier la justesse des mesures du carbone ou pour induire des conduites morales font proliférer les médiations. / My work is about the constitution of tropical deforestation as a problem for climate change negotiations. Since 2005, governmental representatives have been investigating the means through which international action could be organized in order to maintain the carbon sequestered by tropical forests using economic incentives. This initiative has been fostering a range of issues that I analyze through a multisite ethnographical inquiry. Some of these problems are related to the initiative’s global dimension: sovereign states have to collectively decide, comparable measurement methods have to be created, and monetary redistribution systems have to be elaborated. Other problems are more specific to the situation of developing countries strongly dependent on development aid. In this latter case, public administration weaknesses cannot be ignored and the demands formulated by the so-called local communities cannot be bypassed. I show that these issues produce a distributed, fragile and selective activity. Since coercion is not an option, the ambitions of these international adjustments are modest and the arrangements created to invent international decision-making, to negotiate the right measure or to induce moral conducts make mediators proliferate.

[pt] Uma característica comum ao Estado Moderno é um passado de conflitos e violência. A relação entre esta violência e, muitas vezes, o trauma que decorre dela, irá determinar como será articulada a relação com a memória/esquecimento no momento após os conflitos. Falar de memória não é apenas falar sobre o passado. Falar em memória é também falar do presente e das articulações que resultaram neste presente. Tendo como exemplos a Ex-Iugoslavia e Ruanda é possível se perceber como o Estado Moderno atua através de práticas de memória na monumentalização, na educação e ao trazer uma confrontação com o passado para a construção de uma sociedade homogênea. / [en] A common feature of the modern state is a past of conflict and violence. The relationship between this violence and, often, the trauma that follows it, will determine how the relationship of remembering/forgetting is going to act in the moment after the conflict. Talking about memory is not just to talk about the past. Talking about memory is also to talk about the present. Taking as examples the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda it is possible to analyze how the modern state acts through the memory practices at monumentalization, education and practices of confrontation with the past for the construction of a homogeneous society.

Quando se considera a Segurança Internacional da América Latina, comprovasse a inexistência de um ator regional com excedente de poder necessário, tanto em Hard power, poderes econômico, militar, e de mobilização, como de Soft power, de liderança passiva pela persuasão da conveniência da emulação e pela convicção de resultados melhores pela cooperação com o líder ou primus inter pares. Portanto, o exercício de um Smart power, o hábil e eficaz equilíbrio dos dois poderes mencionados só poderá acontecer dentro de um condomínio de boa vontade entre os países da região. Uma Segurança Cooperativa Sustentável para América Latina, com participação seminal dos países do Cone Sul será o objeto de análise deste trabalho. O Brasil e seus vizinhos do Cone Sul, com um peso específico importante na região, devem demonstrar Vontade Nacional e capacidade operativa para facilitar a realização de consensos entre os países envolvidos para garantir uma gestão sustentável da agenda regional de segurança. Isto se torna de particular premência numa conjuntura internacional onde ameaças e desafios relativos a região carecem de qualquer prioridade global, enquanto graves crises atuais e futuras imediatas se ensejam em zonas mais críticas ao Sistema Internacional. Como conseqüência caberá aos países da sub-região exercer eficientemente a vigilância, a prevenção e a rápida solução das ameaças e desafios a segurança. / The inexistence of a regional actor with the required excess of power is observed when considering the International Security of Latin America. Both in Hard power, the economical, military and mobilization powers, and in Soft power, the passive leadership obtained by persuasion of the convenience of imitation, as well as by the conviction of better results granted from cooperation with the leader or primus inter pares. Therefore, the exercise of Smart power, the efficient balance of the afore mentioned powers, can only succeed within an ambient of good will among the nations of the region. For Latin America a Sustainable Cooperative Security, with a seminal role of the countries of the Southern Cone will be the object of analysis of this study. Brazil and its Southern Cone neighbors, with their important specific weight in the region, must make explicit their National Will and operative capacity to enable the consensuses needed among the countries involved to assure a sustainable management of the regional security agenda. These factors are of paramount importance in an international context when threats and challenges related to this region lack any global prominence, at a time when the gravest present, and immediate future, crisises happen in most critical regions of the international System. Consequently, the countries of this sub-region will be forced to efficiently manage by themselves the surveillance, the preventive measures, and the swift solution of threats and challenges to the regions security.

La jurisprudence de la Cour a été commentée et comparée à celle des tribunaux ad'hoc par de nombreux chercheurs. Cependant, ses interactions avec le système international (Etats, organisation internationales) furent quelque peu délaissées. Or, en tant que partie intégrante de ce système, elle ne peut être analysée comme un élément isolé. La stratégie du Procureur est incompréhensible si elle n'est pas rapprochée des attentes et préoccupations de la société internationale. Elle véhicule des valeurs et idéologies en provenance d'une certaine partie du monde au détriment des autres. il est vrai qu'elles sont largement acceptées par la communauté des nations, mais ce fait peut valider certaines réticences face au statut de Rome.Pour l'Union Africaine, la Cour est partiale, faite sur mesure pour les Etats africains plus faibles et la considère comme une nouvelle forme de néocolonialisme. Les ONG internationales, telle Human Right Watch, considèrent nombre de ses membres comme responsables de violations des droits de droits de l'Homme. Faut-il pour autant rejeter leurs préoccupations ?Quand les experts analysent le conseil de sécurité, ils oublient l'illégitimité des membres permanents en matière de respect des droits de l'Homme. L'intervention américaine en Irak fut en son temps dénoncée comme un crime d'agression, et leur incapacité à manipuler en leur faveur le Conseil de Sécurité les a encouragé à envisager une autre invasion en Syrie. Le manque de réaction internationale devant l'illégalité d'une telle opération est signe d'un traitement inégalitaire des Etats. Le rôle des médias ne doit pas être oublié.Pendant l'élaboration du statut de Rome, ses rédacteurs ont voulu préserver la souveraineté des Etats. Ils ont en fait donné aux Etats puissants l'assurance qu'ils échapperont aux poursuites devant la Cour.Ce travail analysera les accusations de partialité et d'efficacité de la Cour et proposera des mesures afin de la rendre plus juste et équitable. / The ICC jurisprudence has been abundantly commented and compared to the others ad'hoc tribunals' works. However, its interaction with the international system (states, international organizations) was not as closely examinated. As an integral part of this system, the court can not be considered as a lone element. It is impossible to understand the prosecutor strategy if the wants and preoccupations of the international society are ignored. As such, the jurisdiction promotes values and ideologies coming from some states or some continents. They are largely accepted by the community of nations but this can validate some states' resistencies to the Rome Statute.The African Union claims that the ICC is partial, made solely for the weaker African nations, and is just another form of neocolonialism. It is true that international NGOs such as Human Right Watch consider most of its leaders as perpetatrors of Human Rights violation. Does it mean however that their concern must be dismissed? When experts analyse the Court or the Security council involvements they failed to point for example the illegitimacy of the five permanent members when it comes to Human Rights. The U.S intervention in Irak is seen by many as a crime of aggression and their inability to move the Security Council in their favour prompted their reaction to invade Syria. The lack of concern of the international community for this new development's illegality is another sign of the inequality of treatment between nations. Mass medias' role will not be forgotten in this research.The Court reacts to this unfair environment and its cases are chosen accordingly. When the Rome Statute was elaborated, the redactors tried to preserve state sovereignty. But in fact they insured that the most powerful states will escape the jurisdiction of the Court.In this paper, we will examine the claims of partiality and dependence of the Court and propose some changes to make it a more equitable and fair jurisdiction.

[pt] A presente dissertação pretende investigar o processo de construção social das crianças-soldado com o objetivo de analisar criticamente a formação de um discurso dominante que autoriza representações e narrativas centradas, sobretudo, na necessidade de proteção dos meninos e meninas envolvidos nos conflitos armados contemporâneos. A emergência do discurso será compreendida como constitutiva da estrutura normativa da ordem internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, visando revelar as tensões produzidas e reproduzidas pelas narrativas e consequentes representações sobre tais crianças. / [en] The present dissertation intends to address the process of social construction of child soldiers. This will be a first exploratory step to critically analyze the structuring of a dominant discourse concerning the protection of boys and girls involved in contemporaneous armed conflicts. This discourse will be understood as constitutive of the normative framework of Post-Cold War international order. The dissertation will try to show that this discourse is not exempt from tensions that manifest themselves and are reproduced by the narratives and consequent representations of those children.

The fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya has changed political dynamics on the African continent. One immediate concern has been the implications of these developments for the African Union (AU) and its member states. Would overall political dynamics in the AU be changed? Would the most powerful member states use the altered circumstances to enhance their influence on AU policies andframeworks? What would the impact be for the AU's overall authority? In this Discussion Paper series, three edited papers are presented that tackle AU political and institutional dynamics in light of the Arab revolts. A particular puzzle addressed is the current postures of South Africa,Ethiopia and Algeria within the AU. A separate analysis of Nigeria's role was published earlier in the NAI-FOI Lecture Series on African Security. The work in this discussion series reflects the longstanding collaboration between the Swedish Defence Research Agency's Project Studies in African Security and the Nordic Africa Institute to build Africa-related research capacity on peace and security.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 5, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T12:40:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rossini_GabrielAlmeidaAntunes_M.pdf: 1697492 bytes, checksum: e5917af27e2c08f797e0d36dc7a90454 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: No presente trabalho, centramos nossos esforços na compreensão das relações anglo portuguesas ocorridas entre a Restauração de Portugal e o início do século XVIII. Procuramos determinar os motivos que acabaram por enquadrar Portugal em certa divisão internacional do trabalho (produção de vinho), que acabou por tornar sua economia largamente dependente da Inglaterra. Para tanto, dividimos a dissertação em três grandes partes. Primeiramente, abordamos a Restauração de Portugal e os Tratados anglo portugueses do século XVII. Em um segundo momento, discutimos a reação portuguesa frente à depressão econômica da segunda metade do século XVII e, finalmente, na última parte do estudo, tratamos das consequências da "herança" do século XVII, da Guerra de Sucessão Espanhola e do Tratado de Methuen / Abstract: In this study we focused our efforts on understanding the Anglo-Portuguese relations which occurred between the Restoration of Portugal and the beginning of the eighteenth century. We sought to understand the motives which caused Portugal to enter the international labour sector (wine production) that eventually made its economy largely dependent on England. To this end, we divided the thesis into three parts. First, we address the Restoration of Portugal and the Anglo-Portuguese treaties of the seventeenth century. In a second step, we discuss the Portuguese reaction during the economic depression of the second half of the seventeenth century, and finally the last part of the study, we study the consequences of the "legacy" of the seventeenth century, the War of Spanish Succession and the Treaty of Methuen / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Corrêa de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T15:40:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HenriqueNeto_Sylvio_M.pdf: 3411655 bytes, checksum: 74bced731cd67794b304df51ee67a1db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa buscará compreender como a UNICA (União da Indústria de Cana-de-açúcar do Estado de São Paulo) organiza-se para atuar na defesa dos interesses dos seus associados do setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro, principalmente no tocante à construção de arranjos cooperativos internacionais facilitadores da liberalização do comércio de etanol, visando transformá-lo em uma commodity energética global. Para tanto, mapearemos suas estratégias de duplo-lobby, as quais consistem na manipulação dos mecanismos formais e informais de formulação e execução da política externa comercial agrícola no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos / Abstract: This research will seek to understand how the UNICA (Brazilian Sugarcane Industry Association) organizes itself in order to act protecting their members' interests from the Brazilian Sugarcane Industry sector, specially referring to the construction of international cooperative arrangements which eases up the ethanol trade liberalization, aiming to transform it into a global energetic commodity. This way, we will trace theirs double lobby strategies, which consists on formal and informal manipulating mechanisms as well as the Brazilian and North American International Trade Policy performance / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais