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31	越戰對美、蘇、中共三角關係之影響（1964-1973年）吳家新, Jia-shin Wu Unknown Date (has links) 無越戰政策三角關係圍堵政策骨牌理論和解與交往肯楠尼克森季辛吉 Vietnam War Strategic Triangle Containment Domino Theory Detent and Engagement George F. Kennan Richard Nixon Henry A. Kissinger
32	Help, Hinder, or Hesitate: American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976 Holloway, Joshua T. 01 May 2019 (has links) No description available. History American History International Relations Military History Modern History Political Science Science History Nuclear weapons nuclear policy nuclear proliferation nonproliferation foreign policy United States Kennedy Johnson Nixon Ford Bundy Kissinger France de Gaulle Pompidou Giscard China Mao Zhou national security Cold War Soviet Union
33	Realismus a Nixonova administrativa: Triangulární diplomacie jako nástroj americké zahraniční politiky / Realism and the Nixon Administration: Triangular Diplomacy as a Tool of US Foreign Policy Moravčík, Vladimír January 2022 (has links) Abstract The thesis deals with the US foreign policy under Richard Nixon. More specifically, it examines the US rapprochement with Communist China (PRC) and the triangular diplomatic relations between the US, USSR, and PRC. The thesis draws from the realist theories, particularly the offensive and defensive branches of neorealism represented by John Mearsheimer and Kenneth Waltz. The thesis applies the theoretical concept of wedging strategies as power-balancing tools on the selected US foreign policy. The thesis conducts a qualitative case study using the process-tracing method. A causal mechanism derived from the concept of wedging strategies is theorized and further applied in the analysis. The analysis of the US foreign policy towards China examines the individual traces in the theorized mechanisms. The results of the study show that the US broke the Sino-Soviet alliance using a defensive wedging strategy by exploiting the Sino-Soviet split, resulting in PRC's dealignment with the USSR. The US reapproached the PRC and swayed the Chinese leadership with strategic guarantees tacitly aimed against the USSR. These guarantees were ultimately projected into the Shanghai Communique of 1972.
34	El tratamiento de la relación bilateral entre España y Estados Unidos por el periodismo español durante el periodo 1975-2005 (Los casos de los periódicos, ABC, La Vanguardia y El País) Fernández Álvaro, Alfonso 02 March 2020 (has links) La relación bilateral entre Estados Unidos de América y España durante buena parte del siglo XX, ha estado determinada por la seguridad. La posición geoestratégica de España y su valor de intermediación en Hispanoamérica, de un lado, y el poder económico y militar de Estados Unidos, por otro, provocó un interés recíproco entre ambos países, que iniciaron su relación amistosa a mediados del siglo pasado, y aún perdura de forma continua, aunque ha sufrido diferentes vaivenes que le han conferido cierta inestabilidad. Los medios periodísticos españoles no han evaluado esta relación de la misma forma y esta investigación pretende demostrar que las líneas editoriales de los diferentes medios periodísticos analizados, han incidido de forma directa en la percepción que la opinión pública tenía acerca de esta relación, y de cuál debía ser el papel de España frente a Estados Unidos. Para ello, se han analizado una serie de casos de estudio, en forma de hechos históricos singulares ocurridos entre 1975 y 2005 y que afectaban directamente tanto a España como a Estados Unidos, a través de tres periódicos nacionales con alto nivel de influencia sobre la población española, para determinar cómo los medios influyeron en la opinión pública la opinión pública y cómo ésta influyó en la relación bilateral. Para entender la naturaleza de la relación entre estos dos países, se ha realizado una revisión histórica de la relación hispano norteamericana, a través de los diferentes periodos de Gobierno sucedidos en España durante el periodo seleccionado. Por otro lado, también se ha realizado una sucinta revisión histórica de los tres periódicos que sirven como variables de estudio, ABC, El País, y La Vanguardia, para entender la trayectoria periodística de cada uno y fijar su línea editorial, lo que determinará el tratamiento que cada uno de ellos hará de la información de cada hecho histórico seleccionado. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones del estudio y las tesis a las que llega la investigación y se proponen diferentes líneas de actuación para completar o continuar esta investigación para futuros doctorandos y/o investigadores sociales. España y Estados Unidos Relación bilateral ABC El País La Vanguardia OTAN Sadam Husein Kissinger George W. Bush José María Aznar Felipe González José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero Tormenta del Desierto Libertad Duradera Al Qaeda Terrorismo Atentado Guerra del Golfo Marcha Verde Sáhara Occidental
35	The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policy Cowan, David Fraser January 2013 (has links) While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology. 327.73
36	Being successfully nasty: the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976 Douglas, Robert 11 August 2008 (has links) Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism. HISTORY CUBA GERALD FORD GEORGE H. W. BUSH UNITED STATES U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS TERRORISM WAR ON TERRORISM FIDEL CASTRO BAY OF PIGS OPERATION MONGOOSE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS DWIGHT EISENHOWER JOHN KENNEDY LYNDON JOHNSON RICHARD NIXON HENRY KISSINGER GEORGE W. BUSH CUBAN EXILES JORGE MAS CANOSA LUIS POSADA CARRILES ORLANDO BOSCH FELIX RODRIGUEZ CORU CUBAN REVOLUTION FILIBUSTERING NARCISO LOPEZ
37	Being successfully nasty: the United States, Cuba and state-sponsored terrorism, 1959-1976 Douglas, Robert 11 August 2008 (has links) Despite being the global leader in the “war on terror,” the United States has been accused of sponsoring terrorism against Cuba. The following study assesses these charges. After establishing a definition of terrorism, it examines U.S.-Cuban relations from 1808 to 1958, arguing that the United States has historically employed violence in its efforts to control Cuba. U.S. leaders maintained this approach even after the Cuban Revolution: months after Fidel Castro’s guerrilla army took power, Washington began organizing Cuban exiles to carry out terrorist attacks against the island, and continued to support and tolerate such activities until the 1970s, culminating in what was the hemisphere’s most lethal act of airline terrorism before 9/11. Since then, the United States has maintained contact with well-known anti-Castro terrorists, in many cases employing and harbouring them, despite its claims to be fighting an international campaign against terrorism. HISTORY CUBA GERALD FORD GEORGE H. W. BUSH UNITED STATES U.S.-CUBAN RELATIONS TERRORISM WAR ON TERRORISM FIDEL CASTRO BAY OF PIGS OPERATION MONGOOSE CUBAN MISSILE CRISIS DWIGHT EISENHOWER JOHN KENNEDY LYNDON JOHNSON RICHARD NIXON HENRY KISSINGER GEORGE W. BUSH CUBAN EXILES JORGE MAS CANOSA LUIS POSADA CARRILES ORLANDO BOSCH FELIX RODRIGUEZ CORU CUBAN REVOLUTION FILIBUSTERING NARCISO LOPEZ

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