The aim of this study was to develop, implement and evaluate the effectiveness of a behavior based, theory driven multi-component nutrition education Intervention promoting healthy eating among two (17 to 19 year old) Lebanese adolescent samples from contrasting socioeconomic statuses. The effects of the intervention were examined in a quasi-experimental control design trial among two hundred and nine adolescent males and females from Beirut, Lebanon: one hundred and ten belonged to a high socioeconomic status (HSES) population and ninety nine belonged to a low socioeconomic status (LSES) population of adolescents. There were four study groups: two intervention and two control. The intervention groups received twelve nutrition lessons, one hour each, involving class based teaching, print materials and activities delivered by a dietitian. Intervention Mapping protocol was applied and constructs from the Social Cognitive Theory were used for the development of the intervention. At baseline and after the intervention, food frequency questionnaires (FFQ) were administered and three 24-Hour Dietary Recalls were used to examine dietary practices and nutrient intakes while semistructured interviews were conducted to gain insight to underlying determinants of food choice. Quantitative data were analyzed using Mann Whitney U Test and Chi-Square analysis. Post intervention, adolescents in both the HSES and LSES intervention groups showed a significant improvement (p<0.05) in some dietary practices and nutrient intakes; however, the impact was higher in the HSES group. In both intervention groups, positive changes were observed in some personal determinants of food choice but none were noted for external factors. These results propose that the developed nutrition education intervention is a promising instrument to promote healthy eating among similar groups of Lebanese adolescents; however, further research is needed for interventions that specifically target LSES groups.

Sectarianism has shaped Lebanese culture since the establishment of the National Pact in 1943, and continues to be a pervasive roadblock to Lebanon’s path to development. This thesis explores the role of religion, politics, and Lebanon’s illegitimate government institutions in accentuating identity-based divisions, and fostering an environment for sectarianism to emerge. In order to do this, I begin by providing an analysis of Lebanon’s history and the rise and fall of major religious confessions as a means to explore the relationship between power-sharing arrangements and sectarianism, and to portray that sectarian identities are subject to change based on shifting power dynamics and political reforms. Next, I present different contexts in which sectarianism has amplified the country’s underdevelopment and fostered an environment for political instability, foreign and domestic intervention, lack of government accountability, and clientelism, among other factors, to occur. A case study into Iraq is then utilized to showcase the implications of implementing a Lebanese-style power-sharing arrangement elsewhere, and further evaluate its impact in constructing sectarian identities. Finally, I conclude that it is possible to eliminate sectarianism in Lebanon and move towards a secular state. While there are still many challenges to face in overcoming a long-established system of governance, I highlight the anti-sectarian partisan movements that are advocating for change, and their optimistic path to success.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-26T14:52:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RoneySalinaSouza_cap1.pdf: 690592 bytes, checksum: 8bed5d647938c11db681d876ca59b8c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-12-19 / This work approaches the immigration of Syrian and Lebanon people to the city of Dourados on the South of Mato Grosso, from the 1910th to the 1980th . The main factors of expulsion if this population were the imperial interests of European people and the nationalism full of violence and oppression. The continent of America, at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of 20th, attracted the immigrant because of the possibility of offering land and employ workers. There are two most important moments on the coming of these immigrants, first on the 1910th with the commencement of urban space formation and after on the 1950th with the implantation of the National Agricultural Colony of Dourados. They went in the activity of peddler what gave them the possibility of gain money and start retail dealer commerce. These agents established a serial of relationship with Brazilian people marked by the Identity negociation: language, organization of institutes, clubs, cookery, dayto-day, weddings. The change of their identity qualifies the presence of Arabian people in Dourados as been hybrid due to it is the existence of two ways of be, the pre-migratory and the pos-one, separated by a border which was in constant change. The source of the elaboration of this work started from the historiographic analyses national and international,search for documents and photos, not only in public archive in the cities of Dourados/MS, Campo Grande/MS and Cuiabá/MT but also at the Historical Museum of Dourados, not to mention that among the Syrian-Lebanon families it was possible to realize interview and evaluate very good information for this work / Este trabalho aborda a imigração de sírios e libaneses para a cidade de Dourados, no sul de Mato Grosso, no período de 1910 até a década de 1980. Os principais fatores de expulsão destas populações foram os interesses imperialistas europeus e os nacionalismos marcados pela perseguição e violência. A América, no final do século XIX e início do XX, por sua vez atraia os imigrantes pela possibilidade de oferecer terras e contratar mão-de-obra. Há dois momentos principais na vinda destes imigrantes, inicialmente na década de 1910 com o início da formação do espaço urbano e posteriormente nos anos 1950 na implantação da Colônia Agrícola Nacional de Dourados. Eles ingressaram na atividade de mascate que lhes possibilitou o acúmulo de capital e a montagem do comércio varejista. Estes agentes estabeleceram uma série de relações com os brasileiros marcadas pela negociação de identidades: idioma, organização de instituições e clubes, culinária, cotidiano, casamentos. A modificação de suas identidades qualifica a presença dos árabes em Dourados como sendo híbrida, pois é existência de duas maneiras de ser, a pré-migratória e a pós-migratória, separadas por uma fronteira que esteve em constante movimento. As fontes para a elaboração desta obra partiram da análise historiográfica nacional e internacional, busca por documentos e fotografias não apenas em arquivos públicos nas cidades de Dourados-MS, Campo Grande-MS e Cuiabá-MT, mas também no Museu Histórico de Dourados, sem mencionar que entre as famílias sírio-libanesas foi possível realizar entrevistas e avaliar informações de muito valor para esta tarefa

O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990 / The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

Cette recherche propose une étude des séquences explicatives relevées au sein de cours de disciplines non-linguistiques dispensés en langue étrangère. Elle s'inscrit dans le cadre plus général des travaux ayant pour objet l'analyse des interactions de classes dans des structures d'enseignement bi- ou plurilingues. La première partie vise à caractériser le terrain spécifique qui est le nôtre : à la lumière des typologies existantes, nous y présentons le système d'enseignement bilingue adopté parles écoles de l'UNRWA (Liban). Ces repères sociolinguistiques donnés, nous apportons des éléments relatifs à notre démarche méthodologique en questionnant le rôle du chercheur et en nous arrêtant sur ce qui a guidé notre collecte et notre analyse de données. Nous définissons ensuite ce que nous entendons par "séquences explicatives" en situant ces séquences au sein des discours de la classe. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l'analyse de nos données et nous permet de travailler sur la réalisation de quatre tâches du cours de DNL : comprendre un document scientifique en classe de biologie, mener une expérience en physique-chimie, écrire un compte-rendu d'expérience dans cette même discipline et résoudre une équation en mathématiques. Notre analyse s'articule principalement autour de trois critères : celui de l'intégration entre langue et discipline, celui du mode bilingue de conversation et enfin celui des formes que prennent les interactions pédagogiques. / This research studies explanatory discourse as it occures in CLIL classrooms. It is set in the widerfield of classrooms' interaction analysis in the context of bi- or multilingual education. The first partaims at specifying the characteristics of our field of research : in the light of existing typologies, wepresent the bilingual education system adopted by UNRWA schools in Lebanon. We will first takeinto account some sociolinguistic elements and then present our methodological approach. We thendefine explanatory discourse, considering it as a part of classroom discourse. The second part isdevoted to our data analysis. We focus on four tasks : understanding a scientific document inbiology, experiment and write a experiment report in physics and chemistry, solve an equation inmathematics. Our analysis first focuses on the issue of language and content integration, then dealswith the question of code-switching and at least studies the participation of each in the interaction.

Le Liban est l'un des pays les plus petits de la région. Le système politique multi confessionnel constitue la marque principale de la société libanaise. En fait, cette spécificité intervient dans tous les aspects de la société, y compris le secteur sportif. Suite à la guerre civile qui a éclaté dans le pays de 1975 jusqu'à 1990, cette distribution religieuse, et les communautés qui en résultent, sur une surface géographique restreinte, ont rapidement conduit à penser la nécessité d'avoir un gouvernement qui puisse établir une « harmonie nécessaire » entre les 18 différents groupes religieux qui sont représentées dans la majorité des partis politiques de l'après Taëf. Ce projet de thèse tend à examiner plutôt le sens «politics» dans le sport libanais ou plutôt de la «politisation du sport» (politics) au Liban et comment cette implication politique se répercutera sur l'essor sportif au Liban. A travers une méthodologie qualitative à type de Participation Observante, nous avons profité du fait de notre appartenance politique au parti AMAL pour examiner de près les différents acteurs de la vie sportive au Liban, en commençant par la structure légale des instances sportives telles qu'elles figurent dans les textes officiels. La constitution du corpus de connaissance sur lequel portera l'analyse fut des plus compliquée vu qu'il a été nécessaire de faire usage de mon appartenance politique afin d'accéder a posteriori, à certaines sources d'information. L'analyse inductive a permis de décomposer la manipulation qu'exercent les politiciens sur le sport au Liban, dont l'essor devient totalement dépendant des agendas des partis politiques / Lebanon is the smallest country in the Middle-East characterized by its multi confessional political system. This system impacts all the aspects of social activities including sports. After the eruption of the civil war from 1975 until 1990, the existence of multiple religious communities on a limited geographical area, led to rethink their redistribution within the Lebanese government in order to ensure equity between 18 different religious groups that represent the majority of political parties during the post Taef era. This PhD project aims to examine the essence of "political use of sports" within the Lebanese sport sector or the "politicization of sport" (politics) in Lebanon and how political involvement will affect sport activities in Lebanon. Through a qualitative methodological design more specifically a Participant Observation study, I took advantage of my political affiliation to AMAL party to examine closely the various actors in the Lebanese sport sector. The study began by examining the overall structure of Sports in Lebanon starting at it emergence in official texts mainly in the Lebanese constitution. Afterwards, I gathered a body of literature by the means of my political resources in order to analyze a posteriori the relevant information. Inductive analysis was used to extract chore meanings related to politicization of sport and to highlight political manipulation of sports in Lebanon. Growth of certain sport disciplines became sometimes totally dependent on political parties’ agendas

Le Liban jouit de la liberté de la presse qui le distingue des autres pays de la région, mais les journaux se sont transformés après la guerre, et plus particulièrement après l'accord de Taëf en 1989; de quotidiens objectifs « défendant l'unité du pays et de son peuple », en « une arme pour alimenter le feu de la discorde entre ses fils ». Cette division s'est reflétée plus clairement après l'assassinat de Rafic Hariri en 2005, où le Liban s'est divisé en deux grandes parties, sur une base sectaire et dogmatique (Sunnite- chiite et les chrétiens étaient répartis sur les deux communautés). Ainsi furent crées les deux forces de 8 et 14 Mars, en concurrence sur tout, du pouvoir et les postes jusqu'à la domination des médias afin de promouvoir la ligne politique des dirigeants de chacune d'entre elles. Les journaux étaient tellement influencés par cette partition, et au lieu de jouer leur rôle dans la transmission de la vérité, ils sont devenus un miroir qui reflétait les différences des politiciens. Les principales raisons de ce biais furent abordées par cette étude qui a révélé l’influence du pouvoir sur eux, et cela à travers l’analyse du contenu de 21 événements importants qui ont eu lieu au cours de 22 ans, dans quatre quotidiens : An-Nahar, Ad-Diyar, Al Mustaqbal et Al Akhbar. Cette étude a montré aussi l’hégémonie de l'argent sur ces journaux et leur besoin permanent d'un financement supplémentaire, afin de survivre. Et comment les journaux foliaires feront face aujourd'hui au risque de disparition après la concurrence avec la presse électronique ? Cette thèse aide ainsi à comprendre les mutations de la presse entre conditions politiques et changements techniques. / Lebanon enjoys the freedom of the press that distinguishes him from other countries in the region, but the newspapers have been transformed after the war (between the Muslims and the Christians), and specifically after the Taif Agreement in 1989, from “objective and defending the unity of the country” to “a new weapon to raise the fire of strife between his sons”. This split was more clearly reflected after the assassination of Rafic Hariri in 2005 as Lebanon broke in two parts, but this time on a sectarian and doctrinal basis (Sunni-Shiite and the Christians were distributed over the two communities).The parties 8 and 14 March arose, competing on everything; starting by the powers and the positions arriving to the domination of the media in order to promote the political line of the leaders of both of them. The newspapers were much affected by this division, and instead of playing their role in the transmission of the truth, they became a mirror reflecting the politician’s differences. The main reasons of this bias were addressed by this study, showing the effect of this power on them, and this through the analysis of the content of 21 important events, taking place over 22 years, in four daily newspapers: An-Nahar, Ad- Diyar, Al Mustaqbal and Al Akhbar. It showed also the dominance of money and the need of the newspapers for a permanent additional funding, despite the advertising revenues and the high turnover in the holiday seasons, in order to survive. And how foliar newspapers today will face the risk of extinction after the competition with digital media? This thesis helps to understand the changes of the press between political and technical conditions change.

L’objectif de cette étude était de contribuer à une meilleure connaissance des espèces démersales dans les eaux côtières libanaises en Méditerranée orientale. Différents aspects relatifs à la distribution, la diversité, et la biologie de ces espèces ont été étudiés. Les données ont été collectées à partir de captures expérimentales dans le cadre du projet ‘CIHEAM-PESCA Libano’. Un mélange hautement diversifié d'espèces de poissons (téléostéens et sélaciens), de céphalopodes et de crustacés, ainsi que de organismes macro-benthiques ont été échantillonnés. La distribution spatio-temporelle et la diversité ont été évaluées respectivement à l'aide de la ‘capture par unité d'effort’ qui a été assimilée à un indice d’abondance et du nombre total d'espèces capturées dans les relevés.Des relations longueur-poids ont été établies pour plusieurs espèces présentant un nombre d’individus suffisant. Finalement, l'accent a été porté sur la biologie et l'écologie d'une espèce lesseptienne et exploitée, l’holocentre rouge, Sargocentron rubrum. Cette étude constitue une première étape dans la gestion des pêches et la conservation dans cette région. / The aim of this study was to contribute to a better knowledge of demersal species in the Lebanese coastal waters, Eastern Mediterranean. Various aspect related to the distribution, diversity and biology of these species were studied. The data were collected from a three-year experimental survey in the framework of the ‘CIHEAM-PESCA Libano project’. A highly diversified mix of fish species (teleosteans and selaceans), cephalopods and crustaceans were sampled. Spatio-temporal distribution and diversity was evaluated respectively using the ‘Catch Per Unit Effort’ which was considered as an approximation of an abundance index and the total number of species caught in the surveys.

Ce travail a pour objectif d’étudier l’ubiquité professionnelle exercée par les enseignants-chercheurs libanais, qui joignent le travail académique à l’activité entrepreneuriale. La revue de littérature s’organise autour des thèmes de l’acadépreneuriat, de la théorie du déplacement et du concept de vision stratégique. Le cadre légal de l’ubiquité professionnelle, de la recherche scientifique, et du métier de l’enseignant-chercheur libanais au privé comme au public a été ensuite étudié.Une étude préliminaire ayant pour but la formation d’un échantillon regroupant le plus grand nombre possible d’enquêtés a été mise en oeuvre. Ensuite, à la lumière des données collectées auprès d’une centaine d’enseignants libanais, cinq enquêtés ont été identifiés, sachant que six ont été contactés en amont. Onze individus forment alors le second échantillon sujet de l’étude qualitative. Les résultats de cette dernière montrent que la satisfaction de l’enseignant envers sa carrière dépend de son profil, de la profession de sa conjointe, des compensations indirectes offertes par son établissement universitaire et que la majorité des enseignants-chercheurs ne sont pas satisfaits par le niveau de rémunération dans leur université. D’autre part, les titulaires d’un doctorat mènent en général une trajectoire professionnelle réfléchie, et leur projet entrepreneurial a été créé en aval de leur statut d’enseignant, contrairement à ceux qui ne sont pas titulaires d’un doctorat. L’ubiquité professionnelle est durable lorsqu’elle est réfléchie et si elle ne nécessite pas de travaux manuels. Enfin, les enseignants qui ne mènent pas de travaux de recherche dans le cadre de leur établissement universitaire sont en quête d’une réputation sociale. / The aim of this work is to study the professional ubiquity of Lebanese lecturers who are also working as entrepreneurs. The literature review is organized around the themes of acadepreneurship, the theory of displacement and the concept of strategic vision.Then, the legal framework related to the studied phenomenon, the scientific research and the Lecturer profession in Lebanon was studied.A preliminary study was carried out in order to identify a sample of the largest possible number of respondents.Then, in the light of the data collected from about a hundred Lebanese lecturers, five respondents were identified, giving that six were contacted upstream. Eleven individuals are subject to the qualitative study.The results of the qualitative study show that the lecturer's career satisfaction depends on his profile, spouse's profession and some indirect compensations offered by his academic institution. They also indicate that the majority of the lecturers are not satisfied by the amount of pay offered by their university.On the other hand, Ph.D. holders generally pursue a strategic career path and their entrepreneurial activity has been created before the start of their academic career, unlike those who do not have a Ph.D.Professional ubiquity is sustainable when thoughtful and when it doesn’t require any manual work. Finally, lecturers who do not carry out any research project as part of their academic career are usually looking for social reputation.

The remnant montane forests of southern Lebanon provide habitat to a rich diversity of endemic, rare and threatened plant and animal species. Prior to the intensification of human activity during the mid-Holocene period these forests covered most of the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon Mountain ranges. What is not known is how the dynamics of these forests changed in response to major shifts in climate. The aim of this DPhil thesis was to document changes in vegetation composition in southern Lebanon during the last glacial period (~112 to 35 ka BP). To achieve this aim, a palynological study was conducted on a sedimentary sequence recovered from Aammiq Wetland located in the Bekaa Valley, Lebanon. Fossil pollen was analysed to reconstruct variability in vegetation composition and abundance. Energy dispersive spectroscopy, magnetic susceptibility and loss-on-ignition were used to reconstruct the geomorphological and hydrological processes acting within the wetland and its watershed. Macro and microcharcoal were analysed to reconstruct local and regional fire histories respectively. A chronology was established for this sequence using a combination of radiocarbon and optically stimulated luminescence dating (OSL) techniques. The results indicate significant variability in the composition and abundance of vegetation through the time interval ~ 112 to ~ 35 ka BP closely aligned in time to global and regional climatic events. Changes in the chemical and physical properties of the sediments indicate significant variability in landscape erosion processes and hydrological conditions in the watershed and within the wetland over the similar interval in time. Peaks in local and regional fire activity were concurrent with periods of precession minima and Dansgaard-Oeschger warming events and had a significant impact on the composition of vegetation within the Aammiq region. These findings provide the first account of environmental change in the southern Bekaa Valley and adjacent slopes of the Lebanon Mountains during the last glacial period.