Cette nouvelle édition critique du De fuga saeculi d’Ambroise de Milan repose sur la collation de nouveaux témoins manuscrits et sur la révision de ceux utilisés par C. Schenkl, dont les valeurs respectives sont évaluées à l’aide d’un stemma absent de son édition de 1897. Le texte ainsi édité est assorti d’une traduction originale en langue française. Le De fuga saeculi, œuvre spirituelle et morale publiée par Ambroise avec trois autres textes au sujet proche, est replacé dans le contexte milanais de la fin du IVe siècle : mutations des modes de vie chrétiens, intérêt pour la vie monastique, concurrence avec les partisans du néoplatonisme et devoir pastoral de guider et former la communauté d’une capitale impériale. L’enquête sur les sources révèle que le De fuga saeculi est à la fois l’héritier des traditions philosophiques platoniciennes et stoïciennes relues au prisme de la pensée de Philon d’Alexandrie, et le promoteur d’une fuite du monde spécifiquement chrétienne inspirée d’épisodes et de préceptes de l’Ancien et du Nouveau Testament. Le commentaire éclaire les enchaînements d’une pensée kaléidoscopique, mettant en évidence les thèmes principaux, leurs reprises et leurs variations. Est ainsi soulignée l’originalité ambrosienne de la fuga saeculi sur un sujet d’actualité à la fin du IVe siècle et au début du Ve siècle : une fuite intra-mondaine qui est différente de celle encouragée par ses contemporains, Jérôme, Paulin de Nole et Augustin. / This new critical edition of De fuga saeculi by Ambrose of Milan is based on the collation of new witness manuscripts and the revision of those used by C. Schenkl (their respective worth was examined thanks to a missing stemma in the 1897 edition). The edition is accompanied by an original French translation. A spiritual and moral work published by Ambrose along with three other texts on a similar topic, De fuga saeculi is placed in its Milanese context of the end of the 4th century : transformations in Christian ways of living, an interest in monastic life, competition with advocates of Neo-Platonism and a pastoral duty to guide and train the community of an imperial capital. An enquiry into the sources reveals that De fuga saeculi both inherits the Neo-Platonician and Stoic philosophical traditions – reinterpreted through the thought of Philo of Alexandria –, and advocates a specifically Christian escape out of the world, inspired by events and precepts from the Old and New Testaments. The commentary displays the sequences of a kaleidoscopic thought and highlights its majors themes, re-uses and variations. Inner-wordly escape is a topical issue of the late 4th and early 5th centuries, but Ambrose’s conception expressed in De fuga saeculy is original given that it differs from those of contemporary writers such as Jerome, Paulinus of Nola and Augustine.

Durant l’Antiquité, Valence bénéficie du prestigieux statut de colonie romaine, au même titre qu’Arles, Vienne et Lyon. Sa position au confluent du Rhône et de l’Isère et au carrefour de plusieurs itinéraires terrestres - Voie d’Agrippa, Voie des Alpes - lui conférait un rôle stratégique et économique considérable. Cette région, au cœur de la moyenne vallée du Rhône, occupe une position charnière qui lui assure, au moins depuis le Premier Âge du fer, un rôle d’intermédiaire entre le bassin méditerranéen et le monde celtique.Elle bascule dans l’orbite de Rome en même temps que la Gaule méridionale, soit dès la fin du IIe s. av. J.-C. Valence est fondée dans un deuxième temps, vraisemblablement entre 46 – 36 av. J.-C. et acquiert son statut de colonie de droit romain peut-être dès cette date avancée selon P. Faure et N. Tran (2013). La fondation d’une colonie romaine s’accompagne d’une division du sol public, matérialisée par une centuriation afin qu’il soit distribué aux membres du corps civique nouvellement créé comprenant plusieurs milliers de colons. Dans ce contexte historique précis, ces citoyens sont principalement des vétérans de l’armée romaine alors constituée majoritairement d’Italiens. Ce phénomène a donc un impact démographique et culturel considérable pour la vie des populations locales. Le statut juridique avantageux conféré à ces communautés leur assure également des avantages économiques importants stimulant les productions agro-pastorales et artisanales. Les travaux consacrés aux provinces gauloises ont montré que les siècles suivants ne sont pas exempts de mutations économiques et culturelles importantes qui touchent les structures de peuplement et de production. Partant de ce constat, j’ai choisi d’aborder cet impact culturel et économique à travers la culture matérielle (vestiges architecturaux, objets de la vie quotidienne) et l’analyse de l’occupation du sol. Le cadre chronologique et spatial retenu doit permettre d’observer de manière dynamique l’évolution des modes de vie et des activités agro-pastorales et artisanales dans les campagnes de la cité de Valence. L’examen des caractéristiques de plusieurs centaines d’établissements ruraux doit permettre de proposer une lecture diachronique et complexe de l’occupation et l’exploitation de ce territoire, d’aborder les rapports qu’entretient la colonie avec l’espace rural. L’approche chronologique et fonctionnelle des bâtiments et des objets de la vie quotidienne permet d’apprécier plus finement l’évolution dans le temps des techniques, des modes de vie, mais aussi de relever la diversité des situations locales à une même période. / During the Antiquity, Valence is known as a roman colony like Lyon, Arles or Vienna, settled in the middle Rhône valley at the confluent of the Rhône and the Isère, and also at the crossroads of alpine route and the Via Agrippa. This strategic position confers to the colony an important role in the economy of the roman Gaul. Since the early Iron Age, this area is a link between the mediterranean and the celtic worlds.Even if the region is conquered by Rome since the end of the II c. B.-C., the colony is founded later, perhaps between 46 and 36 B.-C. and maybe already own his prestigious status of colonia of roman rights according to P. Faure and N. Tran hypothesis (2013). As a consequence of the foundation, the public soil is divided, centuriated, and distributed to thousands of new citizens.In this specific historical context, the citizens are chosen among the veterans of the roman army, who were Italians at this time. This decision should have huge demographic and cultural consequences on local communities. The legal status of the citizens gives them considerable economics advantages that stimulate the local economy. The studies devoted to the gallic provinces have shown that the following centuries see numerous changes affecting settlements and economic structures.Considering this historical context, I have chosen to evaluate the cultural and economic impact of this foundation by studying settlement patterns and material culture (architectural remains, objects of the daily life) between the II c. B.-C. to the VIth c. B.-C.The study of few hundreds of settlements allows us to introduce a complex and diachronic view of the settlements, their economic roles and relations with the colony.The chronological and functional study of the buildings and daily life objects allow us to assess finely the evolution through time about craftsmen’s techniques, lifestyle and highlight regional differences during a same period.

The subject of this thesis is Jewish conversion to Christianity in medieval England. The majority of the material covered dates between 1066 and c.1290. The overall argument of the thesis contends that converts to Christianity in England remained essentially Jews. Following a discussion of the relevant secondary literature, which examines the existing discussion of converts and conversion, the principal arguments contained in the chapters of the thesis include the assertion that the increasing restrictiveness of the laws and rules regulating the Jewish community in England created a push factor towards conversion, and that converts to Christianity inhabited a legal grey area, neither under the jurisdiction of the Exchequer of the Jews, nor completely outside of it. Numerous questions are asked (and answered) about the variety of convert experience, in order to argue that there was a distinction between leaving Judaism and joining Christianity. Two convert biographies are presented. The first shows how the liminality that was a part of the conversion process affected the post-conversion life of a convert, and the second shows how a convert might successfully integrate into Christian society. The analysis of converts and conversion focusses on answering a number of questions. These relate to, among other things, pre-conversion relationships with royal family members, the reaction to corrody requests for converts, motives for conversion, forced or coerced conversions, the idea that a convert could be neither Christian nor Jew, converts re-joining Judaism, converts who carried the names of royal functionaries, the domus conversorum, convert instruction, and converting minors. The appendix to the thesis contains a complete catalogue of Jewish converts in medieval England. Among other things noted therein are inter-convert relationships, and extant source material. Each convert also has a biography.

The present dissertation offers a literary profile of the enigmatic Gaonic era work known as Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer (PRE). This profile is based on an approach informed by the methodology theorized in the Manchester-Durham Typology of Anonymous and Pseudepigraphic Jewish Literature, c.200 BCE to c.700 CE, Project (TAPJLA). It is offered as a necessary prolegomenon to further research on contextualising PRE in relation to earlier Jewish tradition (both rabbinic and non-rabbinic), in relation to Jewish literature of the Gaonic period, and in relation to the historical development of Judaism in the early centuries of Islam. Chapter 1 sets out the research question, surveys, and critiques existing work on PRE, and outlines the methodology. Chapter 2 provides necessary background to the study of PRE, setting out the evidence with regard to its manuscripts and editions, its recensional and redactional history, its reception, and its language, content, dating, and provenance. Chapters 3 and 4 are the core of the dissertation and contain the literary profile of PRE. Chapter 3 offers an essentially synchronic text-linguistic description of the work under the following headings: Perspective; PRE as Narrative; PRE as Commentary; PRE as Thematic Discourse; and Coherence. Chapter 4 offers an essentially diachronic discussion of PRE’s intertexts, that is to say, other texts with which it has, or is alleged to have, a relationship. The texts selected for discussion are: the Hebrew Bible, Rabbinic Literature (both the classic rabbinic “canon” and “late midrash”), the Targum, the Pseudepigrapha, Piyyut, and certain Christian and Islamic traditions. Chapter 5 offers conclusions in the form of a discussion of the implications of the literary profile presented in chapters 3-4 for the methodology of the TAPJLA Project, for the problem of the genre of PRE, and for the question of PRE’s literary and historical context. The substantial Appendix is integral to the argument. It sets out much of the raw data on which the argument is based. I have removed this data to an appendix so as not to impede the flow of the discussion in the main text. The Appendix also contains my entry for the TAPJLA database, to help illuminate the discussion of my methodology, and a copy of my published article on the cosmology of PRE, to provide further support for my analysis of this theme in PRE.

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La méconnaissance de l’Auvergne durant l’Antiquité tardive tient en partie à l’absence de référentiels chrono-typologiques. La découverte récente d’ensembles céramiques conséquents et la reprise de données anciennes permettent aujourd’hui de combler ce vide documentaire. Ce travail se propose ainsi de dresser un nouveau panorama du territoire arverne durant l’Antiquité tardive et le très haut Moyen Âge (fin IIIe-milieu VIIIe siècle), d’un point de vue économique et culturel par l’étude de la céramique. L’évolution des répertoires montre que les faciès antiques persistent jusqu’au VIe siècle de même que les pratiques culinaires et les manières de table. Diversifiées jusqu’au Ve siècle, les formes et les catégories céramiques s’uniformisent au VIe siècle et, à partir du VIIe siècle, les productions réductrices et les récipients fermés à usage culinaire prédominent. L’étude d’ensembles funéraires des IVe et Ve siècles montre l’insertion du territoire arverne dans l’évolution des pratiques funéraires alors en cours en Gaule. L’Auvergne se démarque néanmoins par le nombre élevé des vases céramiques déposés dans les tombes et par la préférence donnée aux récipients à solides dans la composition du repas funéraire.Les importations indiquent que le territoire arverne est bien inséré dans les circuits commerciaux à la fin de l’Antiquité. Leurs quantités parfois faibles suggèrent cependant un approvisionnement parcimonieux, qui place l’Auvergne aux confins des aires de diffusion de la plupart des productions commercialisées, comme en « bout de circuits ». Les correspondances établies avec les céramiques des IVe et Ve siècles des autres régions de Gaule du Centre montrent l’existence de traditions de fabrication communes et l’ensemble de ces territoires pourrait appartenir à une même entité économique et culturelle. Le sud du territoire arverne apparaît en revanche tourné vers les régions méridionales, comme l’a montré l’étude des céramiques des VIe et VIIe siècles du site lozérien de La Malène, influencées par les faciès de Gaule du Sud / The sparse knowledge of the late antiquity in Auvergne is partly due to the absence of chronological typology for this period. The recent uncovering of significant ceramic assemblages and the reassessment of pastdata make it possible today to fill this research gap. This thesis attempts to bring new light to the Arverne territory, its economy and culture, in the late antiquity and the early middle ages (from the late 3rd century to the mid-8th century), through the study of its pottery. The evolution observed in the repertory shows that the antique facies remained until the 6th century, as well as the culinary practices and table manners. Until the 5th century,forms and types of ceramics are very varied, becoming more standardized in the next century, and finally starting in the 7th century, closed culinary vessels are predominant.The study of funerary assemblages from the 4th and 5th centuries, demonstrates how the Arverne territory participated in the general evolution of funerary practices in Gaul. However the Auvergne region stands out by the considerable number of ceramic vases found in tombs and the clear preference for solid food vessels in funerary repasts.The presence of imported goods is evidence that the Arverne territory was part of the commercial routes by the end of Antiquity. However the small amounts of importations imply a parsimonious procurement, which would mean that the Auvergne region was actually located on the outer limits of the distribution areas of most industrial productions. The correlations established with 4th and 5th century pottery from other areas of Central Gaul could be proof of a common tradition of production, and how such territories could have possibly belonged to a same cultural and economic entity. The South of the Arverne territory seemed however more influenced by southern Gaul as shown by the study of 6th and 7th century pottery from the lozerian site of La Malène

Cette étude cherche à appréhender la place qu’avaient occupée les Conflits et les Amours mythiques dans la mosaïque de l’Afrique Proconsulaire au Bas-Empire (fin du IIIème - début du Vème siècle). Aussi, savoir la nature des sujets, les modalités d’assimilation figurative, l’évolution des concepts, ainsi que les rapports qu’auraient eus les mosaïstes ou les commanditaires avec une culture considérée comme étrangère. Pour chaque mosaïque sont mis en évidence les apports respectifs de l’iconographie et de la littérature. Les composantes structurelles et conjoncturelles de chaque image, à savoir le cadre de l’action, les personnages, les modèles et les formules iconographiques, ainsi que les modalités de mise en scène, sont examinés de plus prés. s’interrogeant sur l’insistance des empreints, l’interchangeabilité entre thèmes, nous remettons en question des idées devenues avec le temps comme des dogmes, telle la totale dépendance de la mosaïque de l’Afrique Proconsulaire aux tendances artistiques de l’époque et son incapacité à se détacher de l’hégémonie des arts dits majeurs, et nous montrons que les mosaïstes africains ne sont pas de simples imitateurs, mais de véritables novateurs. D’autres approches sont nécessaires pour mettre nos mosaïques dans leurs contextes architecturaux et décoratifs d’origines. Ceci permettant d’aborder les problématiques liées aux relations sémantiques, vise à connaître les modalités d’insertions utilisées dans le reste de l’Empire, mais aussi de s’interroger sur la validité de certaines idées, comme l’existence d’une codification régissant les scènes représentées et les contextes architecturaux.Enfin le replacement de la mosaïque, et à l’intérieur d’une production artistique englobant toutes les autres disciplines, et la prise en considération de toutes les particularités, géographiques, historiques, sociales et culturelles de l’Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, montre qu’il est difficile, voire impossible, de mesurer le rapport exact entre fonction administrative, statut financier et niveau culturel des commanditaires. Au lieu de continuer de parler de l’existence d’une même et une seul culture élitiste à laquelle adhère tous les aristocrates de l’Empire, il serait nécessaire de surpasser certains a priori et parler de diversités et de différences que de ressemblances. / The object of this thesis is the review of the conflicts and mythological love endeavors depicted in the Africa Proconsularis mosaics in the Late Antiquity period. In the meantime, one of the main aims is the study of the subject of the mosaics, the manners of the figurative assimilation, the evolution of the concept, and also the relation between the mosaic makers and a culture considered as a foreign one.For each mosaic are highlighted the respective contributions of the iconography and literature. The structural and conjectural components of each image, meaning the setting of the actions, the characters, the models and the iconographic formulas, and the methods of the production are examined more narrowly; questioning the insistence of imprints, interchange- ability between subjects. We are putting into question theories which has become over time as a dogma, such as the total dependence of the mosaic of Africa Proconsularis to the artistic trends of the time and the inability to separate from the hegemony of the arts alias the major; and we will try to demonstrate that the African mosaic makers were not mere imitators, but truly innovators.Moreover, other approaches are needed to put the mosaics within their architectural and decorative context. These approaches will allow addressing issues related to semantic relations, aiming to find out the modality of the insertion in the rest of the Empire, but also to investigate the validity of certain theories, such as the existence of a codification as a regulator linking the scenes presented and the architectural contexts.Finally, the replacement of the mosaic, in the artistic production encompassing all the other disciplines, taking into consideration all the geographical, historical, social particularities, and the cultural aspects of Roman Africa during the Late Antiquity, which give evidence that it is difficult or impossible to measure the exact relationship between administrative function, financial status and cultural level of the elite sponsors. Instead of, continuing to discuss about the existence of only an elitist culture that adheres to all the aristocracy of the Empire, it would need to exceed some a priori and talk about diversity and differences rather than only similarities.

Ma thèse se concentre sur la question de la transformation de la pratique du banquet classique face, d’une part, à la nouvelle situation sociopolitique découlant de l’installation des royaumes dits successeurs et de la dissolution des structures politiques classiques ;et d’autre part, face à l’intensification de ce que l’on appelle communément la « christianisation » du monde romain. Mes recherches concernent le monde romain occidental (Gaule, Italie et Espagne) à partir du moment où le discours ascétique oriental se diffuse massivement en occident dans la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, mettant fin à ce que Robert Markus appelle le « christianisme antique ». La question principale de ma thèse concerne le discours chrétien et ascétique qui porte sur les questions alimentaires et les réponses données par les groupes sociaux dont l’usage du banquet classique est suffisamment documenté. En l’occurrence les aristocrates (en ce compris les évêques), les communautés cénobitiques et le mouvement anachorétique. La seconde question abordée dans mes recherches est celle posée par la présence « barbare » et l’image du mangeur barbare en ces siècles de transition socioculturelle. Le terminus ante quem de mes recherches se situe à la fin du VIe siècle, en un monde romain désormais indubitablement transformé.<p><p><p> <p>La mia tesi si incentra sulla questione della trasformazione della pratica classica del banchetto nel confronto, da una parte con la nuova situazione sociale e politica dovuta all’insediamento dei regni post-romani, e, dall’altra, con l’intensificazione della cosiddetta “cristianizzazione” del mondo romano. La tesi riguarda lo spazio romano occidentale (cioè Gallia, Italia, Spagna) a partire dal momento in cui si diffonde la grande moda dell’ascetismo orientale dalla seconda metà del IV secolo. La questione principale della tesi, che occupa i capitoli tre e quattro, riguarda il discorso cristiano e ascetico sull’alimentazione e poi le risposte date dai gruppi sociali il cui uso del banchetto è documentato a sufficienza, in fatti specie gli aristocratici, il mondo monastico, e gli eremiti. I due primi capitoli riguardano, rispettivamente, la pratica del banchetto classico nella tarda antichità e la questione della presenza “barbara” e dell’immagine del mangiatore barbaro in quei secoli. La conclusione della tesi si colloca alla fine del VI secolo, in un momento in cui il mondo romano è indubbiamente trasformato.<p><p><p>My doctoral thesis concentrates on the question of the transformation of the classical banquet through the encounter with, on the one hand, the new sociopolitical situation due to the migration and installation of the new successor kingdoms ;and on the other hand, with the intensification of the Christianization of the Roman world. My research focuses on the Western Roman world (Gaul, Italy and Spain) from the moment in which the eastern ascetic discourse spreads widely in the West in the second half of the 4th century, causing what Robert Markus calls “The end of Ancient Christianity”. The main question of my thesis regards the Christian and ascetic discourse on food practices and the answers given by the social groups who’s uses of the banquet is documented enough. In this case, the aristocrats (within which the bishops), the monastic communities and the hermits. The second question taken into consideration in my thesis is the one presented by the “barbarian” presence and the literary image of the barbarian eater in these centuries of socio cultural transformation. The terminus ante quem of my research is placed at the end of the 6th century, in a undoubtly transformed Roman world. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Castration has a long temporal and geographical span. Its origins are unclear, but likely lie in the Ancient Near East around the time of the Secondary Products Revolution and the increase in social complexity of proto-urban societies. Due to the unique social and gender roles created by castrates’ ambiguous sexual state, human castrates were used heavily in strongly hierarchical social structures such as imperial and religious institutions, and were often close to the ruler of an imperial society. This privileged position, though often occupied by slaves, gave castrates enormous power to affect governmental decisions. This often aroused the jealousy and hatred of intact elite males, who were not afforded as open access to the ruler and virulently condemned castrates in historical documents. These attitudes were passed down to the scholars and doctors who began to study castration in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, affecting the manner in which castration was studied. Osteometric and anthropometric examinations of castrates were carried out during this period, but the two World Wars and a shift in focus meant that castrate bodies were not studied for nearly eighty years. Recent interest in gender and sexuality in the past has revived interest in castration as a topic, but few studies of castrate remains have occurred. As large numbers of castrates are referenced in historical documents, the lack of castrate skeletons may be due to a lack of recognition of the physical effects of castration on the skeleton. The synthesis and generation of methods for more accurate identification of castrate skeletons was undertaken and the results are presented here to improve the ability to identify castrate skeletons within the archaeological record.

The basic aim of the thesis is to investigate whether the Romans of the East (Byzantines) during the 6th to the 8th centuries were interested in the Latin west and the imperial rule over it. In the first part of the work, the various discourses concerning the origins of the Justinianic conquest or reconquest of Africa and Italy articulated in the contemporary sources are identified and evaluated; the only one which cannot be shown or supposed to have been officially articulated is the discourse of a source of Pseudo-Zachariah Scholasticus which makes African and maybe also Italian exulants complaining in the imperial court about the local rulers responsible for the Vandal and Gothic wars. After some other preliminary studies (e.g. concerning the so-called problem of Theodericʼs constitutional position), it is concluded that the emperor Justinian was not interested in an ideologically founded restoration of the empire, but made the western wars because of his contacts with western aristocrats. In the second part of the thesis, the presentation of the Justinianic western wars and western events or realities in the works of the Byzantine historians from Marcellinus Comes and Procopius to Theophylactus Simocatta (the 6th to the early 7th centuries) is investigated and an attempt is made to explore...