This thesis presents a series of case studies of early medieval narratives about the non-Roman, non-biblical distant past. After an introduction that briefly outlines the context of Christian traditions of historiography in the same period, in chapter two, I examine the Gothic histories of Jordanes and Isidore, and show how they present different methods of reconciling notions of Gothic independence with the heritage of Rome. Chapter three looks at the Trojan origin narratives of the Franks in the Fredegar chronicle and the 'Liber historiae Francorum', and argues that this origin story, based on the model of the Roman foundation myth, was a means of making the Franks separate from Rome, but nevertheless comparable in the distinction of their origins. Chapter four studies Paul the Deacon’s 'Historia Langobardorum', and argues that although Paul drew more on oral sources than did the other histories examined, his text is equally not a record of ancient oral tradition, but presents a synthesis of a Roman, Christian, and of non-Roman and pagan or Arian heritages, and shows that there was actually little differentiation between them. Chapter five is an examination of 'Waltharius', a Latin epic drawing on Christian verse traditions, but also on oral vernacular traditions about the distant past; I suggest that it is evidence of the interpenetration between secular, oral, vernacular culture and ecclesiastical, written and Latin learning. 'Beowulf', the subject of chapter six, is similar evidence for such intercourse, though in this case to some extent in the other direction: while in 'Waltharius' Christian morality appears to have little of a role to play, in 'Beowulf' the distant past is explicitly problematised because it was pagan. In the final chapter, I examine the further evidence for oral vernacular secular historical traditions in the ninth and tenth centuries, and argue that the reason so little survives is because, when the distant past had no immediate political function—as origin narratives might—it was normally seen as suspect by the Church, which largely controlled the medium of writing.

Marco Valério Marcial (38-41 d.C. - 101-102 d.C.), poeta epigramatista latino nascido na Hispania Tarraconensis, parte da atual Espanha, deixou um legado de 1558 epigramas, nos quais aborda temáticas bastante variadas, incluindo assuntos ligados ao cotidiano e aos costumes de Roma na segunda metade do século I d.C. Dentre os temas abordados por Marcial, está aquele relativo ao que hoje entendemos por homossexualidade masculina. Na Roma antiga não existiam os conceitos contemporâneos de \"heterossexualidade\" e \"homossexualidade\". Como as categorias sexuais, são definidas pela intersecção do sexo biológico com relações sociais, no caso dos romanos, principalmente as de poder; sendo assim, o fato de um homem manter relações sexuais com um indivíduo do mesmo sexo poderia ser condenável ou não, social e moralmente. Nesta pesquisa, identificamos e traduzimos 139 epigramas de Marcial que têm esta temática, dos quais selecionamos, para uma minuciosa análise, cerca de 50, os quais utilizamos para descrever os diferentes aspectos que a homossexualidade masculina assume na obra desse poeta. / Marcus Valerius Martialis (38-41 AD - 101-102 AD), Latin epigrammatist poet born in Hispania Tarraconensis (a region of modern Spain), left a legacy of 1558 epigrams where he approached varied themes including subjects related to everyday life and habits within Rome in the second half of the 1st century BC. Among the topics approached by Martial, one is related to what we understand today as male homosexuality. In Ancient Rome, the contemporary notions of \"heterosexuality\" and \"homosexuality\" did not exist. How the sexual categories are defined by the intersection between biologic sex and social relations, especially social relations of power, in the case of the romans; therefore, the fact that a man would have sexual relations with a person of the same sex could be reprehensible or not, both socially and morally. In this research, we have identified and translated 139 Martial\'s epigrams related to that topic. Around 50 of these epigrams were selected for a thorough analysis and used to describe the different aspects that male homosexuality takes in the extensive work of this poet.

Esta tese dedica-se ao estudo do gênero poético conhecido como epithalamium, \"epitalâmio\", e sua presença entre as composições poéticas supérstites localizadas temporalmente entre o início do período helenístico e o fim da Antigüidade Clássica. Neste estudo, são analisadas composições poéticas gregas e latinas com o objetivo de identificar as características que seriam associadas a esse gênero ao longo desses séculos. / This doctoral thesis is a study about the poetical genre known as epithalamium and its occurrence among the transmitted poetical compositions located between the beginning of the Hellenistic period and the end of the classical antiquity. Greek and Latin poetical compositions are analysed in order to identify the main characteristics that are supposed to be associated to that genre during that time

Ao elencar as virtudes do príncipe e orientá-lo moralmente a agir em benefício de todos, as Epistulae ad Caesarem são fiéis aos princípios que caracterizam o orador como uir bonus dicendi peritus. Entretanto, a verossimilhança dada à matéria, no que se refere ao perigo de uma guerra civil, contribuiu para a negação de sua artificialidade. A análise feita neste trabalho conduzirá uma discussão acerca das razões didáticas para exortar um imperador a debelar o conflito civil, de um lado, e apresentar uma definição de gênero para esses documentos, de outro. Com isso, pretende demonstrar como elas configuram uma imagem da eloquência deliberativa semelhante à verdade, compostas em linguagem ornada a fim de deleitar uma audiência. Dessa forma, mostram tanto uma educação oratória adequada quanto um estudo diligente das virtudes do homem público. / By enumerating the virtues of the prince and guiding him morally on how to act for the benefit of the whole community, the Epistulae ad Caesarem are faithful to the principles that characterize the orator as uir bonus dicendi peritus. However, the verisimilitude of treatment given to the subject, regarding the danger of civil wars, contributed to deny their artificiality. On the one hand, the analysis in this work will lead a discussion about the educational motivations for urging an emperor to quell civil strife, and on the other hand it will present a definition of these documents\' gender. It intends to demonstrate how they are figurated as an image of deliberative eloquence similar to the truth, written in an embellished language in order to delight an audience. Therefore, not only do they demonstrate the adequate education of the orator but also a diligent study of virtues of the statesman.

No final do século I a.C., a Elegia Erótica Romana desafiou os gregos e as convenções poéticas apresentando um poeta-amante que cantava suas aventuras amorosas em primeira pessoa. Como se isso não bastasse, esse eu-elegíaco se dedicava à puella como se tal tarefa fosse uma militia, um seruitium amoris, e que exigia tempo integral. Galo, Propércio e Tibulo nos apresentaram suas dominas e se negaram a servir à pátria. Ovídio foi além: seguiu seus predecessores mas fez com que seus leitores aprendessem a entender o papel de cada uma das normas na construção desse gênero. Escreveu seu primeiro livro, Amores, e , a partir daí, começou a traçar um caminho ascendente: queria sua Elegia elevada, não apenas média. Para isso, produziu recusationes, elegias programáticas e, o mais importante, confluiu gêneros. Fez uso da Epistolografia, da Retórica, da Didática e de personas e exempla míticos para compor Heroides, Ars amatoria e Remedia amoris. Nesta dissertação, mostra-se a trajetória do poeta na elevação da Elegia Erótica de Ovídio. / At the end of the 1st. century b.C., Latin Erotic Elegy challenged Greeks and poetic conventions when portrayed a man, poet and lover, talking, in the first person, about his adventures: he also dedicated himself to a puella as if it were a militia, his seruitium amoris, which was a full-time job. Gallus, Propertius and Tibullus introduced us to their dominas and did not (want to) serve their nation. Ovid did more than that: he followed his predecessors but made his readers learn the role of each of the principles of the genre. He wrote his first book, Amores, and, from then on, delineated an ascendant path: he wanted his Elegy to be high, not only something that depicted an average subject. In order to achieve it, he composed recusationes, programmatic elegies and, most important of all, he converged genres: he was able to use Epistolography, Rhetoric, Didactic and mythological personas and exempla to write Heroides, Ars amatoria and Remedia amoris. In this dissertation, we show his trajectory in the elevation of Ovids Erotic Elegy.

Muitas análises sobre o humanismo florentino dos séculos e XIV e XV, mesmo quando reconhecem a importância da tradição retórica, sobretudo latina, na formação e produção desses autores, a veem como uma ferramenta que encobre as suas verdadeiras e sinceras crenças, e criam um hiato entre suas obras e suas realidades políticas, tornando os escritos desses primeiros humanistas uma fonte histórica bastante delicada e perigosa para o historiador. Este estudo procurará, a partir de uma tendência historiográfica crítica às teses de Hans Baron sobre o Humanismo cívico (1955 e 1966) e das reflexões teóricas de Quentin Skinner (1999a, 2007 e 2007a), bem como de outros autores antigos e contemporâneos sobre as relações entre linguagem, política e história, propor uma leitura de algumas obras de dois humanistas florentinos dos séculos XIV e XV, Leonardo Bruni Aretino e Lino Coluccio Salutati. Uma leitura na qual a tradição retórica clássica neles presente e atuante seja vista não como um elemento que os distancia de suas realidades políticas e esconde suas convicções, mas como um meio pelo qual eles criaram novos conceitos e um novo vocabulário que contribuíram para dar forma não só à realidade cultural e política em que viveram e da qual participaram ativamente, na Itália e na Europa, mas também ao pensamento político ocidental posterior. / Many studies on XIV and XV century Florentine humanism, even when they accept the importance of rhetoric tradition, mainly the Latin rhetoric tradition, in humanists educational background and works from these centuries, see this rhetoric tradition just as a tool which hides humanists true and sincere beliefs, forming a gap between their works and their political realities and making the works of these early humanists a somewhat embarrassing and dangerous historical source for historians.This work seeks to analyze some works of two Florentine humanists from XIV and XV centuries: Leonardo Bruni Aretino e Lino Coluccio Salutati, from a critical historiographical view on Hans Barons thesis on civic Humanism (1955 and 1966) and Quentin Skinners historical and theoretical writings (1999a, 2007 and 2007a), as well as the writings of other ancient and modern authors who have also written about many and important relations between language, politics and history. It aims to identify the classical rhetoric tradition present and active in both humanists production not as an element that keeps them away from their political realities and hides their true and sincere beliefs, but as a mean through which these humanists created new concepts and new vocabulary that contributed not only to shape the cultural and political reality in which Coluccio Salutati and Leonardo Bruni lived and actively took part, in Italy and in Europe, but that have also contributed to form the occidental political thought.

Ao elencar as virtudes do príncipe e orientá-lo moralmente a agir em benefício de todos, as Epistulae ad Caesarem são fiéis aos princípios que caracterizam o orador como uir bonus dicendi peritus. Entretanto, a verossimilhança dada à matéria, no que se refere ao perigo de uma guerra civil, contribuiu para a negação de sua artificialidade. A análise feita neste trabalho conduzirá uma discussão acerca das razões didáticas para exortar um imperador a debelar o conflito civil, de um lado, e apresentar uma definição de gênero para esses documentos, de outro. Com isso, pretende demonstrar como elas configuram uma imagem da eloquência deliberativa semelhante à verdade, compostas em linguagem ornada a fim de deleitar uma audiência. Dessa forma, mostram tanto uma educação oratória adequada quanto um estudo diligente das virtudes do homem público. / By enumerating the virtues of the prince and guiding him morally on how to act for the benefit of the whole community, the Epistulae ad Caesarem are faithful to the principles that characterize the orator as uir bonus dicendi peritus. However, the verisimilitude of treatment given to the subject, regarding the danger of civil wars, contributed to deny their artificiality. On the one hand, the analysis in this work will lead a discussion about the educational motivations for urging an emperor to quell civil strife, and on the other hand it will present a definition of these documents\' gender. It intends to demonstrate how they are figurated as an image of deliberative eloquence similar to the truth, written in an embellished language in order to delight an audience. Therefore, not only do they demonstrate the adequate education of the orator but also a diligent study of virtues of the statesman.

C'est en 1767 que Jean-François Marmontel (1723-1799) publie son Bélisaire. Plus un traité socio-philosophique, miroir de son siècle, qu'un roman d'aventure, le Bélisaire de Marmontel retentira immédiatement dans la société de son temps et connaîtra une postérité fructueuse. En regroupant les idées clés de l'époque telles liberté de la pensée religieuse, tolérance civile (son point le plus vivement contesté par la critique et le plus ardemment défendu par son auteur), étendue de l’autorité royale, réforme souhaitée des systèmes fiscaux ainsi que des institutions de la vie civile…, l'ouvrage de Marmontel s'acquiert une importante popularité, son auteur ayant en plus remporté la victoire contre la Faculté de théologie de Paris. Il faut signaler également que le thème historique du vieux général byzantin n’est pas étranger à la littérature européenne antérieure à l’époque des Lumières françaises mais, là, ce sujet reste plutôt historique, sans l’attirail de la pensée novatrice dont Marmontel va le doter. Ainsi, parmi de tels ouvrages l’on range également le drame du Ragusain Antun Gledjević « Bélisaire ou Elpidie ». Cependant, c’est la trame idéologique du roman de Marmontel qui conduit le croate Michael Horvath (1733-1810), prêtre originaire de la région autrichienne de Burgenland, à publier à Vienne - très probablement en 1772 - une adaptation en langue latine du roman français. Une autre version latine (remaniement de la première édition) verra le jour en 1806 par les soins du libraire viennois, Aloysius Doll. / In 1767 Jean-François Marmontel (1723-1799) published a “novel” which he intitled Bélisaire. Much more a socio-philosophical treaty well anchored in its century’s philosophy than an adventure novel, Marmontel’s Bélisaire was an immediate success in his time and inspired many a literary follower in decades to come. Summing up the key ideas of its time, namely freedom of thought in religious matters, civil toleration (the novel’s strongest point, the most criticized by its opponents as well as the most fiercely defended by its author), extension of the royal authority, a most wished for reform of the tax system and, on a larger scale, of various social institutions…, Marmontel’s work quickly gained popularity, which was largely due to his author’s triumph over the Sorbonne theological party. The leitmotiv of Justinian’s old general, whose conduct was synonym of nothing but impeccable righteousness, was not unknown to the European literary pre-Enlightenment production, though back then the traditional plot lacked the novelty elements with which Marmontel endowed his Bélisaire. In this lineage we can place a play intitled « Belisarius or Elpidia » by the Ragusan poet Antun Gledjević. But it was primarily the ideological filament of Marmontel's novel that inspired the Croatian priest Michael Horvath (1733-1810) to publish a Latin version of Marmontel's text (most probably in 1772). A second Latin version of the text (published by a Vienna typographer Aloysius Doll) appeared in 1806.

This thesis tackles the pervasiveness of aberration in Senecan tragedy. Aberration infects all aspects of the drama, and it is deeply entwined with Senecan criminality. In my introduction, I define my terminology of the aberrant, and I discuss a series of ongoing scholarly debates on the tragedies, showing how understanding the aberrant in Seneca's dramas can shed new light on these questions. In Chapter 1, I examine the relationship between the language of crime in the plays, tracing the Latin words for crime back to their instances in Republican Roman tragedy and other genres and seeing how Seneca uses and develops this language of crime, creating an unstable fuel for his dramas. In Chapter 2, I consider Seneca's paradoxes. I consider not only verbal manifestations but all the different paradoxes that appear in the dramas: visual paradoxes, paradoxes of infinity, thematic paradoxes, intertextual paradoxes and more. Paradox is not merely a formal feature of Seneca's writing but integral to the structure of each play. Paradox becomes Seneca's means of transforming linguistic aberration into thematic aberration. In Chapter 3, I argue that Senecan landscapes are not just verbal artefacts. Seneca describes his anomalous spaces in ways that connect with how space and place was experienced in Roman culture. Seneca's aberrant spaces give us buildings that are bigger on the inside than the outside and bodies that explode with the emotions within them. In Chapter 4, I probe aberrant behaviour, by considering the ambiguous characters of Hercules and Thyestes. I expand our focus to incorporate Roman notions of appropriate behaviour, reading the dramas and De Beneficiis as reflecting wider socio-cultural concerns, and I question common assumptions about the thematization of theatricality in Senecan tragedy. In both Hercules Furens and Thyestes, crime skews and twists the situation, rendering apparently ethical behaviour aberrant.

Muitas análises sobre o humanismo florentino dos séculos e XIV e XV, mesmo quando reconhecem a importância da tradição retórica, sobretudo latina, na formação e produção desses autores, a veem como uma ferramenta que encobre as suas verdadeiras e sinceras crenças, e criam um hiato entre suas obras e suas realidades políticas, tornando os escritos desses primeiros humanistas uma fonte histórica bastante delicada e perigosa para o historiador. Este estudo procurará, a partir de uma tendência historiográfica crítica às teses de Hans Baron sobre o Humanismo cívico (1955 e 1966) e das reflexões teóricas de Quentin Skinner (1999a, 2007 e 2007a), bem como de outros autores antigos e contemporâneos sobre as relações entre linguagem, política e história, propor uma leitura de algumas obras de dois humanistas florentinos dos séculos XIV e XV, Leonardo Bruni Aretino e Lino Coluccio Salutati. Uma leitura na qual a tradição retórica clássica neles presente e atuante seja vista não como um elemento que os distancia de suas realidades políticas e esconde suas convicções, mas como um meio pelo qual eles criaram novos conceitos e um novo vocabulário que contribuíram para dar forma não só à realidade cultural e política em que viveram e da qual participaram ativamente, na Itália e na Europa, mas também ao pensamento político ocidental posterior. / Many studies on XIV and XV century Florentine humanism, even when they accept the importance of rhetoric tradition, mainly the Latin rhetoric tradition, in humanists educational background and works from these centuries, see this rhetoric tradition just as a tool which hides humanists true and sincere beliefs, forming a gap between their works and their political realities and making the works of these early humanists a somewhat embarrassing and dangerous historical source for historians.This work seeks to analyze some works of two Florentine humanists from XIV and XV centuries: Leonardo Bruni Aretino e Lino Coluccio Salutati, from a critical historiographical view on Hans Barons thesis on civic Humanism (1955 and 1966) and Quentin Skinners historical and theoretical writings (1999a, 2007 and 2007a), as well as the writings of other ancient and modern authors who have also written about many and important relations between language, politics and history. It aims to identify the classical rhetoric tradition present and active in both humanists production not as an element that keeps them away from their political realities and hides their true and sincere beliefs, but as a mean through which these humanists created new concepts and new vocabulary that contributed not only to shape the cultural and political reality in which Coluccio Salutati and Leonardo Bruni lived and actively took part, in Italy and in Europe, but that have also contributed to form the occidental political thought.