This thesis reexamines causative constructions found in Marshallese; an Austronesian language spoken in the Republic of the Marshall Islands. Both Bender, Capelle & Pagotto (2016) and Willson (2008) hint that lexical aspect is a necessary predictor of causative behaviors in Marshallese, but offer no explanations. The primary focus of this thesis is to examine lexical aspect's influence on causative derivations. This project shows that Marshallese stative verbs display two distinct causative constructions: stative causatives and causative abstract nouns. The Marshallese causative prefix, ka-, tends to exhibit common crosslinguistic patterns of causative constructions as laid out by Dixon and Aikenvald (2000). However, contra Dixon and Aikenvald's typology, Willson (2008) suggests that the causative prefix in stative causative constructions in Marshallese does not license an additional argument (undergoer). This is argued to be different than non-stative causative constructions. Through data collection from six native Marshallese speakers and further analysis based on lexical aspect features (Van Valin & LaPolla 1997), this thesis provides a refreshed perspective on the morphosyntactic differences of Marshallese causative constructions. The findings confirm that stative causative constructions do license an additional undergoer argument while causative abstract nouns, another causative construction derived from stative verbs, do not. These findings are typologically significant as they showcase the complexity of causative constructions.

This thesis is a corpus and narrative-based description of how the lexical aspect of predicates with the switch reference same subject (SS) suffix -ʃa affects the meaning of utterances in Pastaza Kichwa (PK), a Quechuan dialect spoken in Amazonian Ecuador. The main purpose of this thesis is to describe how verb chains that use -ʃa are affected by lexical aspect. The secondary purpose is to compare these uses with current grammars, and determine whether there are more uses than are currently proposed in the most recent grammar of PK. The most recent grammar of PK lists the functions of the coreference -ʃa as being indicative of simultaneous and sequential actions (Nuckolls & Swanson, 2020). I argue that not only does the lexical aspect of predicates in a -ʃa verb chain determine simultaneity and sequentiality, but there is a third category of habitual action that is at least partially determined by the lexical aspect of -ʃa verb chains. After introducing the concept of switch reference, I introduce the concept of lexical aspect. From there I discuss my methodology and analysis, which is based on Van Valin’s (2006) tests and categories of lexical aspect. My analysis is composed of text examples from the Quechua Realwords (QRW) corpus (Nuckolls, 2021), and a PK narrative about Noah and the Flood. These are supplemented by examples from the Corpus of Pastaza Kichwa (CoPK) compiled by Rice (2018). These examples are used to demonstrate the lexical aspect of each verb in a -ʃa verb chain.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os aspectos sintáticos e semânticos da intensificação de grau no Guarani Paraguaio, observando como ela ocorre nos diferentes domínios. Os intensificadores analisados aqui são ite, iterei, rasa e heta. Recuperamos análises que tratam das diferentes posições sintáticas para as expressões de grau e mostramos evidências que sugerem que ite ocupa a posição de núcleo de DegP, enquanto iterei e rasa ocupam posição de adjunto. A partir disso, procuramos estabelecer uma análise em que as posições sintáticas dos modificadores de grau correspondam aos seus tipos semânticos às operações de grau por eles introduzidas. Argumentamos que ite quantifica a variável de grau do adjetivo, enquanto iterei e rasa modificam a forma positiva do predicado já medido por pos. Por fim, apresentamos no último capítulo uma análise da intensificação de grau nos predicados verbais e nominais, associando as leituras escalares disponíveis nestes domínios a propriedades lexicais. Em especial, a atomização semântica será a chave para as dimensões escalares disponíveis nestes domínios. No entanto, não assumimos que esses domínios são lexicalmente graduáveis, por isso heta será responsável por introduzir a dimensão graduável destes predicados. / The main goal of this dissertation is to analyze the syntactic and semantic aspects of degree intensification in Paraguayan Guaraní, observing how it works on different domains. The degree intensifiers analyzed are ite, iterei, rasa, and heta. We compare different approaches that investigate the syntactic structure of degree expressions and show evidence that suggest that ite is a DegP head, while iterei and rasa are adjuncts. Considering this, we establish an analysis in which the syntactic positions of degree modifiers match their semantic types to the extent of the semantic operations they introduce. We argue that ite is responsible for saturating the degree variable of the adjective, while iterei and rasa modify the positive form of the adjective already measured by pos. Finally, in the last chapter we present an analysis of the intensification of nominal and verbal predicates, associating the available readings in those domains to lexical properties. In special, atomization will be the key to the scalar dimensions available in those domains. Nonetheless, we do not assume that the verbal and nominal domains are inherently gradable. That is precisely the reason why heta will be responsible for introducing a gradable dimension for these predicates.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os aspectos sintáticos e semânticos da intensificação de grau no Guarani Paraguaio, observando como ela ocorre nos diferentes domínios. Os intensificadores analisados aqui são ite, iterei, rasa e heta. Recuperamos análises que tratam das diferentes posições sintáticas para as expressões de grau e mostramos evidências que sugerem que ite ocupa a posição de núcleo de DegP, enquanto iterei e rasa ocupam posição de adjunto. A partir disso, procuramos estabelecer uma análise em que as posições sintáticas dos modificadores de grau correspondam aos seus tipos semânticos às operações de grau por eles introduzidas. Argumentamos que ite quantifica a variável de grau do adjetivo, enquanto iterei e rasa modificam a forma positiva do predicado já medido por pos. Por fim, apresentamos no último capítulo uma análise da intensificação de grau nos predicados verbais e nominais, associando as leituras escalares disponíveis nestes domínios a propriedades lexicais. Em especial, a atomização semântica será a chave para as dimensões escalares disponíveis nestes domínios. No entanto, não assumimos que esses domínios são lexicalmente graduáveis, por isso heta será responsável por introduzir a dimensão graduável destes predicados. / The main goal of this dissertation is to analyze the syntactic and semantic aspects of degree intensification in Paraguayan Guaraní, observing how it works on different domains. The degree intensifiers analyzed are ite, iterei, rasa, and heta. We compare different approaches that investigate the syntactic structure of degree expressions and show evidence that suggest that ite is a DegP head, while iterei and rasa are adjuncts. Considering this, we establish an analysis in which the syntactic positions of degree modifiers match their semantic types to the extent of the semantic operations they introduce. We argue that ite is responsible for saturating the degree variable of the adjective, while iterei and rasa modify the positive form of the adjective already measured by pos. Finally, in the last chapter we present an analysis of the intensification of nominal and verbal predicates, associating the available readings in those domains to lexical properties. In special, atomization will be the key to the scalar dimensions available in those domains. Nonetheless, we do not assume that the verbal and nominal domains are inherently gradable. That is precisely the reason why heta will be responsible for introducing a gradable dimension for these predicates.

The Aspect Hypothesis (Andersen & Shirai, 1994; 1996) proposes that the inherent lexical aspect of verbs plays a major role in the acquisition of tense-aspect (TA) morphology in both first and second language. This has been attested in most studies on TA morphology conducted with past and present TA markers. The present study examined the acquisition of Present Perfect, a rather insufficiently studied TA form from a Prototype Account, in two of its four functions, Experiential Past and Persistent Situation. The subjects were 85 L1-Spanish English language learners at intermediate and advanced levels. All participants had received formal instruction in English grammar as part of their curriculum. The data was collected through a forced-choice task with 16 situations equally distributed between the two Present Perfect functions and between telic and atelic verbs of four semantic categories: stative, activities, achievements, and accomplishments. Participants had to choose the correct verb form out of three options (Present, Past or Present Perfect) that would best complete the sentences given. The results showed evidence of clear developmental stages in the acquisition of the Present Perfect. The stages were characterized by an important role of proficiency level and lexical aspect as the more proficient participants showed a more accurate use of the target form. In addition, both the intermediate and advanced groups showed a tendency towards employing Persistent Situation with atelic verb types, whereas they used Experiential Past with telic verbs. Contrary to the predictions of the AH, the use that seemed to be first acquired and easier to learn was Persistent Situation, which obtained higher correctness rates in both groups than Experiential Past. When the results were analyzed across each aspectual verb type, the pattern of acquisition was less clear and thereby partly met the claims of the AH. This irregular trend attested in the data encouraged the argument that the acquisition of the functions of the Present Perfect may not be solely influenced by lexical aspect and verb prototypicality but several other factors may be at stake, such as sentence-type effect, input distribution, L1 transfer and rote-learned forms. Therefore, developmental stages in the acquisition of the Present Perfect should be examined in view of an interplay of "multiple factors" as already proposed by Sugaya and Shirai (2007), which work simultaneously and in a complementary fashion in the acquisitional process of TA morphology.

Ce travail aura pour but d’explorer l’interface sémantique-syntaxe des « constructions » avec les prédicats secondaires, résultatifs et dépictifs. Une attention particulière sera donnée au problème du choix des sujets (ou des hôtes) de prédication pour ces deux types de prédicats, ainsi qu’à la classe aspectuelle lexicale du verbe à la base de la construction.Dans la première partie, nous introduisons divers patterns de la construction résultative et expliquons le principe de base qui régit la syntaxe de ces constructions, à savoir la Restriction sur l’objet direct. D’abord nous réviserons la sémantique des adjectifs gradables, étant donné que les propriétés de l’échelle d’une propriété introduite par l’adjectif définissent la structure événemen-tielle/aspectuelle des constructions résultatives, notamment la distinction entre les constructions résultatives à contrôle et à marquage exceptionnel casuel. Après avoir écarté un nombre de prétendus contre-exemples à la Restriction DOR, nous réaffirmerons sa validité, notamment en tant que diagnostic de l’inaccusativité en anglais. Après avoir étudier le problème des objets non-sélectionnés, nous verrons pourquoi le russe n’a pas ce type de construction, et, conjointement, pourquoi il ne doit pas être classifié comme une langue satellite-framed, étant donné que le paramètre qui autorise les constructions résultatives dans une langue est également responsable pour la classification des langues en satellite-framed ou verb-framed.La deuxième partie sera consacré aux prédicats dépictifs, notamment aux contraintes qui pèsent sur le choix du contrôleur pour ce type de prédication secondaire, ainsi qu’aux propriétés des adjectifs dépictifs en comparaison avec d’autres types d’adjoints participant-oriented. Nous étudions la distribution des adjectifs formes longues et formes courtes en russe, conditionnée par les propriétés d’accord qui les distinguent et esquissons un processus historique à l’origine de leur distribution dans la langue d’aujourd’hui. / The aim of this dissertation is to explore the syntactic-semantic interface of ‘constructions’ which contain secondary predicates – either depictive or resultative. The main problems will be to deal (i) with the selection of the subjects (or hosts) of these types of predicates and (ii) with the aspectual class of the verbs used in these sentences.In the first part, the various patterns implied in resultative clauses will be examined, leading to the conclusion that the basic principle that governs the syntax of these clauses can be identified with the ‘Restriction on direct objects’ – or RDO. First, the semantics of gradable adjectives will be revisited, taking into account the scalarity properties these adjectives contain, which determine the eventive/ aspectual structures of resultative sentences and the distinction between Control structures and Exceptional Case Marking sentences. After invalidating many would-be counter-examples to the RDO, its validity will be reasserted, notably as a diagnostic of unaccusativity in English. Next, after analysing the problem of unselected object arguments, the reason will be shown why Russian does not possess this type of structure, and why it cannot be characterised as a ‘satellite-framed’ language either – given that the parameter which allows specific resultative structures in any language also determines its classification as satellite-framed or verb-framed.The second part of the dissertation is devoted to depictive predicates – in particular (i) to the constraints that determine the choice of the Controller in this type of secondary predication, and (ii) to the relevant properties of depictive adjectives in contra-distinction to other types of adjuncts, often identified as ‘participant-oriented’. Finally, the distribution of those Russian adjectives which possess long and short forms, which is conditioned by specific agreement or concord properties, is examined, leading to a tentative reconstruction of a diachronic process which has led to their distribution in today's Russian.

Esta tese investiga a contribuição semântica dos verbos aspectuais acabar, começar, continuar, deixar, parar, passar, voltar e terminar em português brasileiro. O objetivo geral é contribuir para a análise sobre aspecto e sobre verbos aspectuais em PB e nas línguas naturais em geral, utilizando a Semântica Formal como modelo de análise. Este trabalho defende que os verbos aspectuais são modificadores de eventualidades e por isso contribuem para a expressão do aspecto lexical (Aktionsart), seguindo trabalhos anteriores, como os de Oliveira et al. (2001) e de Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). Ele assume que os verbos aqui estudados se comportam de forma diferente dos verbos de aspecto gramatical como estar e ir, tendo inclusive uma posição diferente na estrutura sintática. Como os verbos aspectuais se relacionam com o aspecto lexical, este trabalho também investiga as propriedades do aspecto lexical presentes no predicado selecionado por um verbo aspectual. Para a seleção dos verbos aspectuais, as propriedades relevantes se encontram no nível do sintagma verbal (VP) e são dadas composicionalmente. Por isso, constituintes como o objeto direto podem alterá-las, permitindo (ou restringindo) a seleção do VP em questão por parte do verbo aspectual. A tese aqui defendida é a de que cada verbo aspectual seleciona seus complementos a partir de propriedades específicas presentes no VP e que estão ligadas à semântica do verbo aspectual em questão. Dessa forma, esta pesquisa defende que as restrições de seleção de cada verbo aspectual podem ser acessadas na entrada lexical do verbo aspectual, sendo possível explicar a seleção de complementos feita por esses verbos. Além disso, defendemos a tese de que a entrada lexical pode apresentar a diferença entre verbos como começar e passar, nas perífrases começar a+infinitivo e passar a +infinitivo, por exemplo. / This thesis investigates the semantic contribution of the following aspectual verbs: começar begin, continuar continue, deixar quit, parar stop, passar pass, voltar resume, and acabar/terminar finish, in Brazilian Portuguese (BrP). The main goal is to contribute to the discussion about aspect and aspectual verbs in BrP and in natural languages in general, within a Formal Semantics approach. This work treats aspectual verbs as eventuality modifiers, and, consequently, it defends that they contribute to express lexical aspect (Aktionsart) or situation aspect (Smith 1997) in accordance with previous works such as Oliveira et al. (2001) and Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). This thesis also proposes that the verbs under discussion behave differently from verbs which contribute to express grammatical aspect or viewpoint aspect (Smith 1997) such as estar be, in the progressive aspect, and ir go, in the prospective aspect, also assuming that they have different positions in the syntactic structure. Since aspectual verbs are related to lexical aspect, the present research also analyzes lexical aspect features in the predicate which is selected for these verbs. Relevant features for this selection are located in the verbal phrase level (VP) and are given compositionally. Thus, phrases such as the direct object are able to change them, allowing (or not) that an aspectual verb select this VP. This work defends the hypothesis that each aspectual verb selects their complements based on specific features found in the VP, and that these features are linked to the semantics of this aspectual verb. Then, this research defends the idea that the selection constraints of each aspectual verb can be observed in its lexical entry, which explains the selection made by these verbs. Furthermore, we defend the idea that we can verify differences between semantically similar verbs like começar and passar, in their periphrastic construction, from differences found in their lexical entries.

Esta tese investiga a contribuição semântica dos verbos aspectuais acabar, começar, continuar, deixar, parar, passar, voltar e terminar em português brasileiro. O objetivo geral é contribuir para a análise sobre aspecto e sobre verbos aspectuais em PB e nas línguas naturais em geral, utilizando a Semântica Formal como modelo de análise. Este trabalho defende que os verbos aspectuais são modificadores de eventualidades e por isso contribuem para a expressão do aspecto lexical (Aktionsart), seguindo trabalhos anteriores, como os de Oliveira et al. (2001) e de Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). Ele assume que os verbos aqui estudados se comportam de forma diferente dos verbos de aspecto gramatical como estar e ir, tendo inclusive uma posição diferente na estrutura sintática. Como os verbos aspectuais se relacionam com o aspecto lexical, este trabalho também investiga as propriedades do aspecto lexical presentes no predicado selecionado por um verbo aspectual. Para a seleção dos verbos aspectuais, as propriedades relevantes se encontram no nível do sintagma verbal (VP) e são dadas composicionalmente. Por isso, constituintes como o objeto direto podem alterá-las, permitindo (ou restringindo) a seleção do VP em questão por parte do verbo aspectual. A tese aqui defendida é a de que cada verbo aspectual seleciona seus complementos a partir de propriedades específicas presentes no VP e que estão ligadas à semântica do verbo aspectual em questão. Dessa forma, esta pesquisa defende que as restrições de seleção de cada verbo aspectual podem ser acessadas na entrada lexical do verbo aspectual, sendo possível explicar a seleção de complementos feita por esses verbos. Além disso, defendemos a tese de que a entrada lexical pode apresentar a diferença entre verbos como começar e passar, nas perífrases começar a+infinitivo e passar a +infinitivo, por exemplo. / This thesis investigates the semantic contribution of the following aspectual verbs: começar begin, continuar continue, deixar quit, parar stop, passar pass, voltar resume, and acabar/terminar finish, in Brazilian Portuguese (BrP). The main goal is to contribute to the discussion about aspect and aspectual verbs in BrP and in natural languages in general, within a Formal Semantics approach. This work treats aspectual verbs as eventuality modifiers, and, consequently, it defends that they contribute to express lexical aspect (Aktionsart) or situation aspect (Smith 1997) in accordance with previous works such as Oliveira et al. (2001) and Laca (2002; 2004; 2005). This thesis also proposes that the verbs under discussion behave differently from verbs which contribute to express grammatical aspect or viewpoint aspect (Smith 1997) such as estar be, in the progressive aspect, and ir go, in the prospective aspect, also assuming that they have different positions in the syntactic structure. Since aspectual verbs are related to lexical aspect, the present research also analyzes lexical aspect features in the predicate which is selected for these verbs. Relevant features for this selection are located in the verbal phrase level (VP) and are given compositionally. Thus, phrases such as the direct object are able to change them, allowing (or not) that an aspectual verb select this VP. This work defends the hypothesis that each aspectual verb selects their complements based on specific features found in the VP, and that these features are linked to the semantics of this aspectual verb. Then, this research defends the idea that the selection constraints of each aspectual verb can be observed in its lexical entry, which explains the selection made by these verbs. Furthermore, we defend the idea that we can verify differences between semantically similar verbs like começar and passar, in their periphrastic construction, from differences found in their lexical entries.

El propósito general de esta tesis es demostrar que el denominado aspecto léxico o aktionsart es una propiedad transcategorial, que implica rasgos que pueden asociarse a las raíces léxicas en el SD independientemente de procesos de derivación. Tal es el caso de los nombres eventivos no deverbales en español (fiesta, accidente), objeto principal de análisis del trabajo. La propuesta se enmarca en el modelo de la Morfología Distribuida (Embick & Halle, en prensa) e incluye los siguientes aspectos: una formulación más flexible de la relación entre estructura argumental y eventiva (contra Grimshaw (1990); una explicación de la obligatoriedad de argumento interno con nominalizaciones eventivas en términos de la presencia de v en su estructura funcional (Alexiadou, 2001); la identificación de efectos sintácticos derivados de la eventividad de nombres no deverbales como guerra, dentro y fuera del SD, explicados en términos de una estructura funcional que incluye rasgos o proyecciones específicas; la identificación de clases aspectuales de nombres no deverbales en la línea de Vendler (1967); una explicación de la polisemia en nombres eventivos no deverbales en términos de las características de la estructura funcional que domina la raíz léxica (Borer, 2005); un análisis de los efectos de la presencia de más de un núcleo funcional eventivo en las formas derivadas (llegada, accidentarse) y los núcleos complejos (hacer huelga, dar (una) clase). / The general purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that the so-called lexical aspect or aktionsart is a transcategorial property, involving features that may be associated to lexical roots in the DP in the absence of any derivation process. This is the case of non-deverbal event nouns in Spanish (fiesta, ‘party’; accidente, ‘accident’), our main object of analysis. Our proposal is based on the Distributed Morphology framework (Embick & Halle, to appear) and includes the following topics: a more flexible statement of the relation between argument and event structure (against Grimshaw (1990); an explanation of the obligatoriness of internal argument expression with process nominalizations in terms of the presence of v in its functional structure (Alexiadou, 2001); the identification of syntactic effects derived from the eventive nature of non-deverbal nouns such as guerra (‘war’), inside and outside the DP, accounted for in terms of a functional structure which includes specific features or projections; the identification of aspectual classes of non-deverbal event nouns à la Vendler (1967); an explanation of polysemy in non-deverbal event nouns in terms of the properties of the functional structure dominating the lexical root (Borer, 2005); an analysis of the effects of the presence of more than one eventive functional head in derived forms (llegada, ‘arrival’; accidentarse, ‘to have an accident’) and complex heads (hacer huelga, ‘to go on strike’; dar (una) clase, ‘to teach (a class)’).

This study explores the two Japanese temporal connectors mae ni and nai uchi ni that express the notion of ‘before.’ These have been claimed to differ in factuality and certainty (Kuno, 1973) and on pragmatic grounds in the form of speaker attitude (Hasegawa, 2015). Using The Balanced Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese, this study investigates the veracity of previous findings and aims to further deepen the understanding of what sets these two temporal connectors apart. Rather than in factuality or certainty, they are found to differ in lexical aspect and predicate class tendencies, as well as the ability to express minimal scales that work similarly to negative Horn scales in the case of nai uchi ni. As these are more informative the smaller they are, this also explains the pragmatic aspects that have been identified in previous research. / Den här studien utforskar de två japanska temporala konnektorerna mae ni och nai uchi ni som uttrycker begreppet ’innan.’ Det har hävdats att dessa skiljer sig i faktiskhet och säkerhet (Kuno, 1973) och på pragmatiska grunder i form av talarattityder (Hasegawa, 2015). Den här studien använder sig av korpusen The Balanced Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese för att undersöka sannfärdigheten i tidigare fynd och ämnar att fördjupa förståelsen om vad som skiljer dessa temporala konnektorer. Studien finner att de inte skiljer sig inom varken faktiskhet eller säkerhet utan istället i tendenser i lexikal aspekt och predikatklasser, samt förmågan att uttrycka minimala skalor liknande negativa Horn-skalor i fallet av nai uchi ni. Eftersom dessa är mer informativa ju mindre de är förklarar detta även de pragmatiska aspekter som identifierats i tidigare forskning.