Using data for 93 countries from 1972 through 2001 in cross-national analysis, this study compares the relative economic strength of a country's middle-class with its civil liberties performance and its history of domestic and external conflict. For purposes of this analysis, the relative strength of a country's middle-class is determined by multiplying the square root of a country's gross domestic product per capita by the percentage of income distributed to the middle 60 % of the population (middle class income share). Comparisons between this measure of per capita income distributed (PCID) and several other indicators show the strength of the relationship between PCID and civil liberties performance and domestic and external conflict. In the same manner, comparisons are made for the middle class income share (MCIS) alone. The countries are also divided by level of PCID into 3 world classes of 31 countries each for additional comparisons. In tests using bivariate correlations, the relationships between PCID and MCIS are statistically significant with better civil liberties performance and fewer internal conflicts. With multivariate regression the relationship between PCID and civil liberties performance is statistically significant but not for PCID and internal conflict. As expected, in both correlations and regression between PCID and external conflict, variables related to power dominate. However, when the countries are divided into world classes by level of PCID, the eleven countries with the highest level of PCID have had no internal or external conflict since 1972. Moreover, there is no within group conflict for countries in either the upper or middle classes of countries based on their level of PCID. The between group conflict does include democracies.

Security is a term that appears to be used in a variety of ways and to have a number of meanings. In policy discussions, there may be reference to information security, national security, network security, online security, and other kinds of security. In an environment where technological innovation appears to be occurring at an ever increasing rate, policy makers look to technological experts for advice, and information security policy is developed, it seems to be important to consider these variations in meaning. This constructivist inquiry explores the context in which information security policy is developed and inquires into the meanings, assumptions, and values of those who engage in policy discourse. The guiding research question, "What is the meaning of security?" asks participants in federal and state government, colleges and universities, and the private and non-profit sectors about their understandings of security. The findings of this inquiry, presented in a narrative case study report, and the implications of this case study provide a richer understanding of the multiple meanings of security in the context in which information is selected and presented to policy makers, advice is given, and policy decisions are made. The multiple perspectives offered by diverse research participants offer valuable insights into the complex world in which information security policy development takes place. While the goal of this research is understanding, the use of thick description in the narrative may aid in the transferability necessary for the reader to make use of this research in other settings. Lessons learned are included, along with implications for policy makers and for future research.

Esta pesquisa partiu da seguinte indagação: o cooperativismo promove o desenvolvimento do Estado do Tocantins? Como pressuposto entedia-se que o cooperativismo atuava como agente de desenvolvimento no estado, tendo em vista as várias comprovações empíricas e teóricas relacionadas ao papel do cooperativismo no desenvolvimento. A partir disso, propôs-se a analisar o papel do cooperativismo no desenvolvimento do Estado do Tocantins, no período entre janeiro de 1989 a setembro 2016, na percepção dos principais atores do movimento no estado. Os objetivos específicos foram: 1) Identificar os principais acontecimentos que marcaram o cooperativismo no Estado do Tocantins; 2) Identificar as contribuições das cooperativas para o desenvolvimento do Estado do Tocantins; e 3) Identificar os desafios e o potencial do cooperativismo para o futuro no estado. Trata-se de um estudo de natureza qualitativa e que se classifica como pesquisa descritivo-exploratória, desenvolvido por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e entrevistas semiestruturadas. Nas entrevistas foram utilizadas as técnicas bola de neve e saturação teórica (ao final foram entrevistadas doze pessoas). Adotou-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo para análise dos dados, que aconteceu por meio de três categorias de analise de grade fechada (Eventos, Papel do Cooperativismo no Desenvolvimento do Estado do Tocantins e Cooperativismo no Futuro).Nos resultados,tornou-se evidente que o cooperativismo tocantinense está atuando na promoção do desenvolvimento do estado (em resposta à indagação inicial e confirmando o pressuposto). Pode-se afirmar que o cooperativismo promove o desenvolvimento do Estado do Tocantins em várias dimensões (social, econômica, política e cultural). Em suma, ainda existem grandes desafios para o cooperativismo tocantinense. A despeito disso ele vem ocupando lugar de destaque na promoção do desenvolvimento no estado e já possui cooperativas consolidadas com grande capacidade para continuar promovendo o desenvolvimento, assim como um amplo processo de inclusão social. / This research started with the following question: Does cooperative business promote the development of the state of Tocantins? As presupposed, it was understoodthat cooperative business acted as a development agent in the state, in view of the various empirical and theoretical evidences related to the role of the cooperative business in the development. From this, it was proposed to analyze the role of cooperative business in the development of the state of Tocantins, in the period of January 1989 and September 2016, in the perception of the main performers of the movement in the state. The specific objectives were: 1) To identify the main events that marked the cooperative business in the State of Tocantins; 2) Identify the contributions of cooperatives to the development of the State of Tocantins; 3) Identify the challenges and potential of cooperative business for the future of the state. It is a qualitative study that is classified as a descriptive-exploratory research, developed through bibliographical research, documentary and semi-structured interviews. In the interviews were used the techniques: snowball and theoretical saturation (at the end were interviewed twelve people). It was used the content analysis technique for data analysis, which happened through three categories of closed grid (Events, Role of Cooperatives in the Development of the State of Tocantins and Cooperatives in the Future). In the results it became evident that the cooperative business of Tocantins is working for the development of the state (in answer to the first question and confirming the presupposed). It can be said that cooperative business promotes the development of the state of Tocantins in various dimensions (social, economic, political and cultural). In short, there are still great challenges for the Cooperatives of Tocantins, although it has been prominent in promoting development in the state, and already has consolidated cooperatives with great capacity to continue promoting the development, with a broad process of social inclusion.

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

<p>This thesis deals with the problematic question of aid as a helping hand to states that are in the process of developing democracy. It focuses on the Sub Saharan African region as a critical case, and furthermore upon the aid contributions made by the European Union during the time period of 1996-2006. The main ambition is to explore the real effect of aid on the democratic process, but also to explore other variables that might have effect. The method used is regression analysing of a database called The Quality of Government database Cross – Section Time-Series May 2008. The database has later been modified to suit my specific needs and aid has been recoded. This thesis is meant to be a theory testing study, and the theories tested will be related to the independent variables such as aid as a democratic helping hand as well as theories of corruption, political participation and military rule in the search for democracy. </p>

The problem with which this thesis is concerned is the relationship between literature and politics. By means of a biographical and historical study two significant writers of the 1930s/40s I examine the ways in which the pressures of Depression, the threat of fascism and the onset of war influenced Australian writing. In particular, I ask whether the political issues of the period affected what these authors wrote and how they wrote it. My conclusion is that pressure of political concern caused significant personal, philosophical and political changes in Barnard and Davison, and that it affected both the genre in which they wrote and the content of their fiction. They turned from fiction to cultural commentary, historical writing, political pamphleteering and activism. They utilised short fiction as a means of discussing their worries about the state of the world and in order to promote values they felt threatened. When they returned to longer fiction their work bore, to differing degrees, in its ideas, arguments and imagery, the influence of their political engagement. More generally, I conclude that liberal humanism was the major animating philosophy of writers in the 1930s and that their concern with political issues grew from their conviction that western liberal democracy was the most fruitful soil for the production of art, a climate of freedom which they felt threatened by both fascism and war. This anxiety is the most important factor in both their politicisation and the work they did under the latter???s influence.

Créés en 1822 par le Conseil d’Etat français et, repris dans de nombreux autres pays comme le Koweït, les actes de gouvernement ont toujours été très discutés, en raison d’un manque de critères clairs et d’une immunité juridictionnelle qui rendent souvent difficile leur distinction avec certaines théories voisines. C’est la doctrine qui, depuis toujours, propose des critères et des classifications des actes de gouvernement. Malgré tous ces efforts, cette théorie est manifestement contraire aux principes généraux du droit, aux libertés fondamentales et, surtout, à l’Etat de droit. Il en est ainsi de la faculté de retirer, sans en justifier, la nationalité koweïtienne à une personne et du droit d’interdire à des citoyens étrangers résidant en France, de voter pour désigner leur Président de la République. La montée des idées populistes, ici et là, rend les actes de gouvernement encore plus redoutables pour la démocratie. Dès lors, même si la doctrine est divisée sur la question, leur suppression pure et simple, en France et au Koweït, apparaît comme une nécessité dont il convient simplement de déterminer les modalités / Created in 1822 by the French « Conseil d’Etat » and, introduced in several other countries such as Kuwait, Government acts have always been very much criticized, because of a lack of clear criteria and jurisdictional immunity which often make difficult their distinction with some neighboring theories. It is the doctrine that has always proposed criteria and classifications of government acts. Despite all these efforts, this theory is clearly contrary to the general principles of law, to fundamental freedoms and, above all, to the rule of law. This is the ability to withdraw, without justification, Kuwaiti nationality to a person and the right to prohibit foreign citizens residing in France from voting to designate their President. The rise of populist ideas here and there makes government acts even more dangerous for the democracy. Therefore, even if the doctrine is divided on the matter, their pure and simple abolition, in France and in Kuwait, appears to be a necessity which should simply be determined by the modalities

L'invasion de la technologie numérique a modifié la société civile et administrative depuis la fin du XXe siècle. Les libertés publiques et individuelles ont été affectées par cette technologie. Le droit commun s'est adapté pour défendre les libertés publiques. Une législation spéciale s'est mise en place pour protéger la vie privée au travers de la protection des données à caractère personnel. Les entreprises mercantiles collectent ces données, les échangent et les monnaient. Elles constituent ainsi une base de données contenant une masse d'information concernant chaque individu. L'État adapte les lois afin de permettre une surveillance des individus au nom de la lutte contre le terrorisme. Mais la technologie permet aussi la diffusion des données administratives vers les citoyens et favorise une information neutre. Cette information ouvre la voie à une participation citoyenne. La France se refusant d'introduire directement dans la Constitution la protection de la vie privée, ce sont les cours européennes, CEDH et CJUE, qui depuis quelques années protègent effectivement cette vie privée. Cette protection repose également sur une meilleure formation des individus face aux dangers des réseaux sociaux et de l'Internet, formation qui reste à développer. / The invasion of digital technology has changed civil and administrative society since the end of the 20th century. Public and individual freedoms have been affected by this information technology. Common law has adapted to defend public liberties. Special legislation has been put in place to protect privacy through the protection of personal data. Mercantile companies collect these data and exchange them. They thus constitute a database containing a mass of information concerning each individual. The government adapts laws to allow surveillance of individuals to fight against terrorism. But technology also allows the dissemination of administrative data to citizens and promotes neutral information. This information paves the way for citizen participation. Since France refuses to introduce the protection of privacy directly into the Constitution, the European courts, ECHR and CJEU, have in recent years effectively protected this private life. This protection is also based on better training of individuals in the face of the dangers of social networks and the Internet, training that remains to be developed.

À l’intersection du droit de la preuve, du droit disciplinaire et des droits fondamentaux, le secret professionnel du juriste est à la fois un droit fondamental des justiciables, une obligation déontologique des professionnels de droit et un principe essentiel à l’administration de la justice. Cette dernière composante – touchant à l’équité de la procédure par laquelle les citoyens font valoir leurs droits devant les tribunaux – distingue le secret professionnel du juriste des autres secrets professionnels ou obligations de confidentialité reconnues aux membres d’autres ordres professionnels. Si le secret professionnel du juriste fait place à part tant aux yeux des membres de professions juridiques que des cours de justice, se pose la question de ses modes de coexistence avec d’autres intérêts concurrents, protégés par des droits et libertés tout aussi fondamentaux, au vu de la conception de non-hiérarchie ou d’égalité des droits constitutionnels que préconise la Cour suprême du Canada. La présente thèse s’intéresse à la coexistence concrète du secret professionnel du juriste avec d’autres intérêts concurrents et constate, dans le quotidien de la pratique, une approche de délimitation qui permet de modérer le discours officiel prônant une conception absolutiste du secret professionnel du juriste. Cette approche de délimitation se substitue à l’approche de pondération en procédant, non pas à une balance des inconvénients, mais plutôt en s’attelant à un examen minutieux, au cas par cas, de la portée d’une protection a priori absolue. / At the intersection of the law of evidence, disciplinary law and fundamental rights, solicitor-client privilege is a fundamental right of litigants, an ethical obligation of legal professionals as well as an essential principle for the administration of justice. This last component – affecting the fairness of the procedure through which citizens assert their rightful claims before courts of law – serves as a distinguishing feature of the solicitor-client privilege, apart from general duties of confidentiality incumbent upon other professionals. If solicitor-client privilege attracts so high an esteem in the eyes of both legal professionals and justices, the question arises as to the coexistence thereof with other competing interests, protected by equally fundamental rights and freedoms, in view of the non-hierarchical or equality approach advocated by the Supreme Court of Canada. This thesis turns on the concrete coexistence of solicitor-client privilege with other competing interests and observes, in the daily practice, a delimitation approach which makes it possible to moderate the official discourse advocating an absolutist conception of secrecy. This limitation approach replaces the accommodation approach by carrying out, instead of a balancing of salutary vs deleterious effects, a case-by-case meticulous examination of the adequate scope to be conferred on an a priori absolute privilege.

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