This work concerns with legislative changes which had direct influence on guarantee of human rights in PRC in the period of Hu Jintao's party chairmanship. Firstly the theoretic base of conception of human rights in PRC and in the world, which has been already compiled by specialists of humanrights and sinologists, is outlined. The specifics of humanright conception in dependency of historical conditions are explained. Then the method of research is introduced and concrete historical connections in given period, which is the basis for evaluation of legislative changes, are explained. These legal changes are analyzed in following chapter. Final summary sums up results, confronts them with initial expectations and presents general principles which are asserted during the formation of a new humanright legislative nowadays.

Comment la liberté de communication audiovisuelle peut-elle prétendre à une forme de reconnaissance constitutionnelle dans la mesure où elle semble fragile – l’exercice de la liberté dépend d’un procédé technique – et bientôt dépassée – l’attention doit être portée sur les nouveaux médias ? La liberté de communication audiovisuelle tire sa force constitutionnelle, d’une part, de son rattachement à l’article 11 de la Déclaration de 1789 et, d’autre part, du principe de pluralisme des courants de pensée et d’opinion qui impose de prendre en considération la liberté du public. Les conséquences de ce rattachement constitutionnel ont conduit le législateur à faire le choix d’une autorité administrative indépendante à qui il revient de développer les outils de la régulation pour donner à la liberté sa pleine effectivité. L’approche constitutionnelle va permettre d’incorporer dans le champ de la communication audiovisuelle une partie des nouveaux acteurs de la convergence technologique. La liberté constitutionnelle de communication audiovisuelle doit également être conciliée avec d’autres libertés et droits fondamentaux. C’est ainsi qu’au nom du pluralisme les libertés économiques vont être réduites, notamment sous l’effet de la législation anticoncentration et des formes modernes d’intervention du régulateur qui intègre aux préoccupations du droit de la concurrence l’intérêt du public. Par ailleurs, dans la mesure où elle renvoie à l’expérience collective et au consensus social, la communication audiovisuelle est portée par certaines exigences traduites en droit constitutionnel. La liberté d’autrui et l’exigence première de dignité de la personne humaine doivent s’imposer. / How can the broadcast freedom claim constitutional principle in so far as it seems fragile – the exercise of this freedom depends on a technical process – and soon outdated – the attention must be focused on the new medias? The freedom of broadcasting activities pulls its constitutional strength, on one hand, of its link connection with article 11 of the Declaration of human rights of 1789 and, on the other hand, the principle of pluralism which imposes to consider the freedom of the audience. The consequences of this constitutional links led the legislator to choose an independent authority to develop the tools of regulation in order to give the freedom effectiveness. The constitutional approach allows to bring new actors of the technological convergence into the scope of broadcasting activities. The constitutional freedom of broadcasting must also be balanced with other rights and freedoms. This is how, in the name of pluralism, the economic freedoms are going to be reduced, in particular under anti trust law and modern forms of regulation which integrate public interest into the competition law. Besides, as far as it deals with the collective experience and social consensus, the broadcasting activities are influenced by certain requirements translated into constitutional main principles. The freedom of others and the first key principle of human dignity should prevail.

Este trabalho se fundamenta em uma concepção discursiva da democracia segundo a qual a comunicação pública é um elemento necessário à legitimidade da autoridade política. Segundo esse entendimento, a livre expressão de ideias é parte integral e condição essencial ao exercício das liberdades políticas em termos iguais. Tendo em vista a centralidade dos meios de comunicação na definição dos valores coletivos e na agência política, sustento que a sua estrutura deve ser orientada pelo reconhecimento de todos como pessoas livres e iguais. Uma orientação como essa se baseia na ideia de que às liberdades expressivas deve ser conferido um valor equitativo: isto é, a todos devem ser oferecidas as mesmas oportunidades e condições objetivas de exercer tais liberdades. Esta interpretação funda-se em uma compreensão deste ideal que extrapola os limites dos direitos e liberdades formais, incluindo as condições materiais e as bases sociais do autorrespeito / This work is founded in a discursive conception of democracy according to which public communication is a necessary element for the legitimacy of political authority. According to this understanding, freedom of expression is an integral part and an essential condition to the exercise of political liberties in equal terms. Given the centrality of mass media in the definition of the collective values and in political agency, I maintain the their structure must be oriented toward the acknowledgement of all as free and equal persons. An orientation like this is based on the idea that to the expressive liberties should be assigned a fair value: i.e. everyone is entitled to the same opportunities and objective conditions to exercise such liberties. This interpretation has its basis in a form of understanding such ideal that goes beyond the formal rights and freedoms to include the material conditions and the social basis of self-respect

A delicada relação entre economia e política contida na questão do financiamento de partidos políticos e campanhas eleitorais vem ocupando um lugar central na agenda política das democracias de todo o mundo, e com a América Latina não poderia ser diferente. Tomando como base as teorias da democracia e da justiça, esta dissertação procura analisar as formas de financiamento político existentes (público, privado e misto), tendo em vista a ameaça que a interferência do dinheiro na política pode acarretar à democracia e à manutenção do valor eqüitativo das liberdades políticas, no contexto das democracias contemporâneas. / The difficult relationship between economic power and democratic politics as it can be seen in political parties and electoral campaign financing issues, has been filling a central place in the political agenda of the democracies all over the world and it couldn´t be different regarding Latin America. Based on theories of democracy and justice, this dissertation analyses arrangements of political financing (public, private and mixed), dealing with the threat that the interference of money in politics might bring to democracy and to the maintenance of fair value of the equal political liberties, in the context of contemporary democracies.

Este trabalho se fundamenta em uma concepção discursiva da democracia segundo a qual a comunicação pública é um elemento necessário à legitimidade da autoridade política. Segundo esse entendimento, a livre expressão de ideias é parte integral e condição essencial ao exercício das liberdades políticas em termos iguais. Tendo em vista a centralidade dos meios de comunicação na definição dos valores coletivos e na agência política, sustento que a sua estrutura deve ser orientada pelo reconhecimento de todos como pessoas livres e iguais. Uma orientação como essa se baseia na ideia de que às liberdades expressivas deve ser conferido um valor equitativo: isto é, a todos devem ser oferecidas as mesmas oportunidades e condições objetivas de exercer tais liberdades. Esta interpretação funda-se em uma compreensão deste ideal que extrapola os limites dos direitos e liberdades formais, incluindo as condições materiais e as bases sociais do autorrespeito / This work is founded in a discursive conception of democracy according to which public communication is a necessary element for the legitimacy of political authority. According to this understanding, freedom of expression is an integral part and an essential condition to the exercise of political liberties in equal terms. Given the centrality of mass media in the definition of the collective values and in political agency, I maintain the their structure must be oriented toward the acknowledgement of all as free and equal persons. An orientation like this is based on the idea that to the expressive liberties should be assigned a fair value: i.e. everyone is entitled to the same opportunities and objective conditions to exercise such liberties. This interpretation has its basis in a form of understanding such ideal that goes beyond the formal rights and freedoms to include the material conditions and the social basis of self-respect

Répondre à la problématique d’un Islam compatible avec les droits de l’homme est au regard des atrocités commises au nom de l’islam fondamental. Le but étant de faire une comparaison entre la vision universelle et la vision islamique des droits de l’homme, le paradoxe résidant dans le fait que les droits et libertés fondamentaux étant à valeur universelle, il ne devrait alors exister qu’une seule conception des droits de l’homme. L’autre paradoxe réside dans le fait que l’Islam est aussi une religion universelle qui dans ses sources protège et encadre très strictement la vie humaine. Les droits humains sont encadrés dans la vision universelle des droits de l’homme et ont muté en droits fondamentaux puisqu’ils sont consacrés par la majorité des Constitutions des États. Les États arabo-musulmans érigent aussi les droits fondamentaux au rang constitutionnel, mais sans jamais écarter l’islam. Il est de ce fait intéressant de comprendre comment les États arabo-musulmans arrivent à extraire de l’islam et de ses sources primaires les droits et libertés fondamentaux avec toutes les difficultés et limites que cela engendre. / It is fundamental to study the compatibility of Islam and human rights in view of the horrors that are done in the name of Islam. We shall compare the universal vision and the islamic vision of human rights, keeping in mind that the paradox comes from the very universality of the fundamental rights and liberties. Thus, there should be only one unique conception of human rights. The second paradox is indeed the very universality of Islam, a religion that protects and oversees human life very strictly. Human rights are part of the universal vision of human rights but they converted into fundamental rights since they are enacted by a large majority of States in their Constitutions. The Arab-Muslim States also elevate fundamental liberties to constitutional status, without ever excluding Islam. It is hence interesting to understand how the Arab-Muslim States come to extract from Islam and its primary sources fundamental rights and liberties with all the difficulties and limits they have to face.

Le régime d'autorisation est traditionnellement présenté comme un instrument depolice institué dans le but d'éviter que l'exercice de certaines libertés ne trouble l'ordre public. De cette fonction du régime d'autorisation se déduisent les principaux caractères de l'acte d'autorisation, acte unilatéral de police, précaire et incessible. Chacun de ces caractères se trouve cependant partiellement démenti par certaines évolutions du droit positif, en particulier par le phénomène de patrimonialisation qui touche un nombre croissant d'autorisations. Jusqu'à présent, ces évolutions n'ont été appréhendées que comme des exceptions à des principes dont la prétention à la généralité valait encore. L'ampleur de ces évolutions invite cependant à douter de la pérennité d'une telle présentation. L'objet de cette recherche est de montrer que ces évolutions sont la conséquence de ladiversité fonctionnelle du régime d'autorisation. En effet, le régime d'autorisation n'est pas nécessairement un instrument de police. Il est également utilisé comme un moyen soit de répartir l'accès à une ressource rare, soit d'organiser l'exercice d'une activité d'intérêt général. Cette diversité fonctionnelle du régime d'autorisation donne naissance à des catégories d'autorisations, catégories qui, une fois ordonnées, forment une typologie. Cette approche plurielle permet de comprendre pourquoi les autorisations répondent à des régimes juridiquesdifférents. / The authorisation scheme is traditionally presented as a policing system. From thisfunction of the authorisation scheme one can deduce the principal characteristics of the authorisation, unilateral police decision, precarious and untransferable. However, each of these characteristics is refuted by certain developments of substantive law, particularly by the phenomenon of patrimonialisation which affects an increasing number of authorisations. Until now, these developments have only been understood as exceptions to well-established principles. However, the scope of these developments casts doubt on the durability of such a way of seeing.The objective of this research is to show that these developments are the consequence of the functional diversity of the authorisation scheme. The authorisation scheme is not necessarily a policing system. It is also used as a means to allocate resources or to organise an activity of general interest. The functional diversity of the authorisation scheme gives rise to several categories of authorisations, categories that once organised form a typology. This pluralapproach makes it possible to understand why the authorisations operate under different legal frameworks.

This article is about new constitutional order in Russia emphasizing fundamental areas as the role of judiciary in the Russian Constitutional System from 1993 Constitution, the one which replaced the 1978 Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Constitution based on communist ideology. Therefore, it is intended to examine the principle of separation of powers, constitutionally recognized human rights and liberties, relationship between international bodies’ case law of human rights and the Russian Constitutional Court, among others issues. / El presente artículo se detiene a analizar el papel de la judicatura en el sistema constitucional ruso a partir de la Constitución de 1993, aquella que sustituyó a la Constitución de 1978 de la República Socialista Federativa de la Unión Soviética que estaba basada en la ideología comunista. Así, con la finalidad de dar cuenta del nuevo orden constitucional, enfatiza en importantes aristas como el principio de separación de poderes, los derechos humanos y libertades reconocidos constitucionalmente, la interrelación entre la jurisprudencia de los órganos internacionales de derechos humanos y la Corte Constitucional de Rusia, entre otros.

A delicada relação entre economia e política contida na questão do financiamento de partidos políticos e campanhas eleitorais vem ocupando um lugar central na agenda política das democracias de todo o mundo, e com a América Latina não poderia ser diferente. Tomando como base as teorias da democracia e da justiça, esta dissertação procura analisar as formas de financiamento político existentes (público, privado e misto), tendo em vista a ameaça que a interferência do dinheiro na política pode acarretar à democracia e à manutenção do valor eqüitativo das liberdades políticas, no contexto das democracias contemporâneas. / The difficult relationship between economic power and democratic politics as it can be seen in political parties and electoral campaign financing issues, has been filling a central place in the political agenda of the democracies all over the world and it couldn´t be different regarding Latin America. Based on theories of democracy and justice, this dissertation analyses arrangements of political financing (public, private and mixed), dealing with the threat that the interference of money in politics might bring to democracy and to the maintenance of fair value of the equal political liberties, in the context of contemporary democracies.

Lieu particulier, unique à certains égards, le domicile entretient des liens étroits avec le droit pénal. Il est d’abord envisagé comme un espace de protection de la personne. Le domicile assure en effet la défense de certains droits et libertés – sécurité, sûreté, intimité de la vie privée, tranquillité et dignité humaine – dont il est le réceptacle privilégié. L’approche qui est faite du domicile par le droit pénal est à cet égard duale. Celle-ci est tantôt abstraite, tantôt matérielle. Abstraite, elle envisage le domicile comme une sphère privée coupée du monde extérieure et imperméable aux atteintes, une enclave individuelle, un espace reclus à l’abri des atteintes extérieures, protégé de toute incursion. Matérielle, l’approche du droit pénal définit un lieu participant de la dignité de son occupant et devant alors nécessairement respecter divers critères, divers standards minimums seuls à même d’en garantir le respect. Le domicile est également appréhendé comme un espace de localisation de la personne. Il participe alors de l’effectivité et l’efficacité de la procédure pénale. Outil de localisation probabiliste – le lieu où l’individu a le plus de chance de se trouver – le domicile assure la surveillance de la personne. Il garantit en outre le bon déroulement de la procédure pénale. En effet, il constitue l’instrument idoine de transmission des informations procédurales et l’un des critères déterminant de compétence de la loi pénale et des différentes juridictions. L’étude permettra de mettre en exergue certains enjeux primordiaux du droit pénal et notamment le balancement entre deux impératifs fondamentaux que sont le respect des droits des personnes et la répression des atteintes aux valeurs sociales protégées. En outre, il sera permis d’observer que le concept de domicile en droit pénal est résolument polysémique et que ses expressions sont polymorphes. De nombreux vocables sont employés afin de faire référence à l’espace au sein duquel vit la personne, que cela soit de manière permanente, habituelle ou éphémère, que ce lieu soit choisi librement ou imposé à l’individu par l’autorité judiciaire, qu’il respecte ou non la dignité humaine, qu’il assure la protection ou la localisation de la personne. Si certaines de ces différences sémantiques se justifient, d’autres pourront en revanche être critiquées. / A special place, unique in some respects, the home maintains close ties with criminal law. It is first seen as a protected personal space. Indeed the home provides the defense of certain rights and freedoms - security, safety, privacy of private life, tranquility and human dignity - of which it is the preferred receptacle. The approach made of home by criminal law in this respect is dual. It is abstract sometimes, material at other times. When abstract, it considers the home as a private sphere cut off from the outside world and impervious to attacks, a single enclave, a reclusive space protected from external influences, protected from any incursion. When material, the approach of criminal law defines a place participant of the dignity of its occupantand then necessarily must respect various criteria, various minimum standards only able to ensure compliance. The home is also seen as a space of human location. It then participates in the effectiveness and efficiency of the criminal procedure. The probability location tool - the place where the individual is most likely to be found – the home ensures the surveillance of the person. It also ensures the smooth progression of the criminal proceedings. Indeed, it is the appropriate instrument of transmission of the procedural information and one of the key criteria of the competence of criminal law and different jurisdictions. The study will highlight some critical issues of criminal law and in particular the sway between two fundamental imperatives, which are: the respect for human rights and the repression of damage to protected social values. In addition, the reader will be able to observe that the concept of home in criminal law is decidedly polysemic and that its expressions are polymorphic. Many terms are used to refer to the space in which the person lives, either permanently or temporarily, freely chosen or imposed on the individual by the judicial authority, whether it respects human dignity or not, or that it assures the protection or location of the person. While some of these semantic differences are justified, others on another hand may be criticized