Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on aspects of linguistic communication, specifically in campus media discourse, where portrayals of minority groups, such as African foreigners, affect the attitudes of readers and shape public ideology regarding these minority groups. The research examines published items in two Western Cape campus newspapers that topicalise Africa or African foreigners in South Africa. These items, which were published over a three year period from 2007 to 2009, are critically analysed, in order to evaluate the way in which Africa and Africans, specifically Africans in South Africa, are represented, to determine whether such representations make use of xenophobic language, and to gauge the potential effects on the attitudes of student readers with regards to foreign Africans living and studying in South Africa. The aim of this thesis is to examine the possible (re)enforcement of xenophobic attitudes in the campus news media by analysing how Africa/foreign Africans are portrayed in South Africa's campus press against the background of the current xenophobic situation in South Africa. This is accomplished by making use of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), specifically the theoretical frameworks of van Dijk (1991) and Fairclough (1995; 1998), which allow for critical analysis on multiple levels of discourse. While the results of the media analysis illustrate a difference in coverage between the two campus newspapers, the overall impression is that campus press does indeed influence the attitudes of readers, more often than not, to the detriment of oppressed minority groups. Coverage of Africa/Africans in South Africa in the two campus publications indicated a slight growth in empathy towards the plight of Africa/African foreigners over the three year study period. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op aspekte van kommunikasie, veral binne kampusmedia-diskoers, waar die uitbeelding van minderheidsgroepe, soos buitelanders vanuit Afrika, 'n invloed uitoefen op die houdings van lesers en die vorming van openbare ideologieë ten opsigte van hierdie minderheidsgroepe. Dié navorsing ondersoek gepubliseerde items in twee Wes-Kaapse kampuskoerante wat handel oor Afrika of buitelanders vanuit Afrika wat in Suid-Afrika woon. Hierdie items, wat oor 'n tydperk van drie jaar (2007-2009) gepubliseer is, is krities ontleed ten einde te evalueer hoe Afrika en Afrikane, veral buitelanders in Suid-Afrika, uitgebeeld word, om te bepaal of sodanige uitbeeldings gebruik maak van xenofobiese taal en om die moontlike gevolge hiervan op die houdings van die studentelesers met betrekking tot buitelandse Afrikane wat in Suid-Afrika woon, te bestudeer en te meet. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die moontlike afdwinging van xenofobiese houdings in die kampus-nuusmedia/kampusnuusmedia te ondersoek deur die ontleding van hoe Afrika / buitelandse Afrikane in Suid-Afrika se kampuspers uitgebeeld word teen die agtergrond van die huidige xenofobiese situasie in Suid-Afrika. Dit word bereik deur gebruik te maak van Kritiese Diskoersanalise ("Critical Discourse Analysis"; CDA), spesifiek die teoretiese raamwerke van van Dijk (1991) en Fairclough (1995, 1998), wat ruimte laat vir 'n kritiese analise op verskeie vlakke van diskoers. Terwyl die resultate van die media-analise 'n verskil in dekking tussen die twee kampuskoerante illustreer, is die algehele indruk dat die kampuspers wel die houdings van die lesers beïnvloed, en in die reël tot nadeel van onderdrukte minderheidsgroepe. Mediadekking van Afrika / Afrikane in Suid-Afrika in die twee kampuspublikasies toon 'n effense groei in empatie teenoor die lot van Afrika / buitelandse Afrikane oor die drie jaar studietydperk.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Hydraulic fracturing is a geo-engineering procedure designed to extract shale gas from below the earth’s surface. Shale gas is often considered a natural, alternative source of energy that has the potential to increase global energy supplies but the scientific literature is not unanimous regarding the implications that hydraulic fracturing may have, and whether it should continue (Vermeulen 2012). Given the contentious nature of hydraulic fracturing, this study investigates the ways in which hydraulic fracturing is represented in South African media texts. The study draws on Gee’s (1996) model of critical discourse analysis (CDA), which views discourse as a means to represent and reproduce social practices. Thus, the study conceptualises hydraulic fracturing as a social practice with an affiliated discourse or discourses, which represent or construct the process of hydraulic fracturing, as well as the participants involved and context in which it takes place. Furthermore, these discourses are also presumed to have the power to legitimise, and thus perpetuate hydraulic fracturing, or to critique it. Subsequent to an examination of 32 South African news articles, and a close and critical analysis of four of them, this study reveals that hydraulic fracturing is presented in both positive and negative ways. Where positive constructions prevail, writers draw on the perspectives of those working in multinational corporations (MNCs) to construct shale gas as a way to increase energy supplies and achieve economic prosperity. Where negative constructions prevail, writers draw on the perspectives of environmentalists to construct hydraulic fracturing as an environmentally-harmful activity that depletes natural resources. In doing so, the study not only highlights the media’s role in perpetuating confusion about hydraulic fracturing, but highlights dominant ideologies that give rise to common representations of hydraulic fracturing in media texts. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hidrobreking is ’n geo-ingenieursprosedure waardeur ondergrondse skaliegas ontgin word. Skaliegas word dikwels beskou as ’n natuurlike, alternatiewe energiebron met die potensiaal om die wêreld-energievoorraad te verhoog, maar die wetenskaplike literatuur is verdeeld oor die effek van hidrobreking en die voortsetting van hierdie praktyk (Vermeulen 2012). Gegee die netelige aard van die onderwerp, word daar in hierdie studie ondersoek gedoen na die wyses waarop hidrobreking voorgestel word in Suid-Afrikaanse mediatekste. Die analise word gerig deur Gee (1996) se model van kritiese diskoersanalise waarvolgens diskoers dien as instrument in die voorstelling en voortsetting van sosiale praktyke. As sodanig word hidrobreking in hierdie studie gekonsepsualiseer as ’n sosiale praktyk met een of meer gepaardgaande diskoerse wat die proses van hidrobreking, die deelnmers in hierdie proses asook die konteks waarin hierdie proses plaasvind, voorstel of konstrueer. Verder word daar veronderstel dat hierdie diskoerse die krag het om hidrobreking te regverdig en sodoende voor te sit, of om dit te kritiseer. Op grond van die bestudering van 34 Suid-Afrikaanse nuusberigte en ’n kritiese ontleding van vier daarvan, word daar bevind dat hidrobreking op beide positiewe en negatiewe wyses voorgestel word. In die geval van positiewe konstruksies steun skrywers op die uitgangspunte van persone in multinasionale korporasies om skaliegas te konstrueer as ’n manier om energievoorrade te verhoog en ekonomiese vooruitgang te bevorder. In die geval van negatiewe konstruksies steun skrywers op die uitgangspunte van omgewingsdeskundiges om hidrobreking te konstrueer as ’n omgewingskadelike aktiwiteit wat natuurlike hulpbronne uitput. Hierdie bevindinge beklemtoon die rol van die media in die voortgesette verwarring aangaande hidrobreking, asook die dominante ideologieë wat aanleiding gee tot algemene voorstellings van hidrobreking in mediatekste.

This diploma thesis is focused on identifying the image of excluded localities in media discourse. During the recent few years, the media have been forming the views of the majority population of the Roma minority, while the concept of social exclusion in the Czech Republic has been used most often in relation to the localities inhabited mostly by the members of the Roma minority. Excluded localities have become a very hot topic in the media and the media have been presenting excluded localities as problematic in terms of unemployment, poverty, maximum use of social welfare by their inhabitants, housing problems, crime, organized crime, disorder and problems with school attendance of the children.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-07-27T17:37:58Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alex Donizete Vasconcelos - 2016.pdf: 3555804 bytes, checksum: ba2d619851f0a7b9f8c10bf2405d4fa2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-07-28T10:54:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alex Donizete Vasconcelos - 2016.pdf: 3555804 bytes, checksum: ba2d619851f0a7b9f8c10bf2405d4fa2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-28T10:54:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Alex Donizete Vasconcelos - 2016.pdf: 3555804 bytes, checksum: ba2d619851f0a7b9f8c10bf2405d4fa2 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-08 / This research was dedicated, in general terms, to establish the contours of certain identity, or, more precisely, of a long tradition of identity, that, engendered in the colonial period, characterized by a mainly negative and derogatory content of "being Haitian", that was structured and established throughout the country's history and, even today, influences in shaping the Haitians’ identities. Therefore, we look for scrutinizing the process of construction and assignment of such identities by means of the production and dissemination of an anti-Haitian discourse and ideology. For that, we carried out a discursive/ideological 'mapping' procedure, seeking, at first, to outline the contours of that Haitian identity tradition in its historiography and literature devoted to the theme, and secondly, to understand and to identify its manifestation in the media discourse produced and disseminated through the Haitian, Dominican and American newspapers, over the first ten years of the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH) intervention, i.e., from 2004 to 2014. That way, our researches to showed, from a mapping process carried out in the nation´s historiography and literature linked to the subject, produced and reproduced in the long term - the recovery and appropriation of this tradition - their stigmas, stereotypes and practices – by the contemporary media discourse that addresses the historical, social, cultural, political or economic reality in Haiti, as well as the influence of that reality in shaping the contemporary Haitian identity. / Este trabalho de pesquisa foi dedicado, em linhas gerais, a estabelecer os contornos de dada identidade, ou, com mais acerto, de uma longa tradição de identidade, que, engendrada nos idos coloniais, caracterizada por um conteúdo predominantemente negativo e depreciativo do “ser haitiano”, estrutura-se e se estabelece ao longo da história do país, influenciando, ainda hoje, na conformação de suas identidades. Busca-se, portanto, perscrutar o processo de construção e atribuição dessas identidades por meio da produção e da disseminação de uma discursividade e de uma ideologia anti-haitianistas. Para tanto, procede-se a um ‘mapeamento’ discursivo/ideológico, procurando, por um lado, delinear os contornos dessa tradição de identidade haitiana na historiografia e na literatura dedicadas ao tema, e, por outro, perceber e identificar sua manifestação nos discursos midiáticos produzidos e disseminados por meio de jornais haitianos, dominicanos e estadunidenses, ao longo dos dez primeiros anos de intervenção da Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH), ou seja, no período de 2004 a 2014. Nossas pesquisas evidenciaram, dessa forma – a partir de um mapeamento realizado na historiografia e na literatura afeta ao tema, produzida e reproduzida na longa duração –, a retomada e a apropriação dessa tradição – de seus estigmas, estereótipos e práticas – por parte dos discursos midiáticos contemporâneos que abordam a realidade histórica, social, cultural, política ou econômica do Haiti, bem como a influência dessa na conformação das identidades haitianas contemporâneas.

O presente trabalho busca analisar, através de um percurso histórico-discursivo, o conceito de massificação dentro das Ciências da Comunicação. Através desse arcabouço construído, o objetivo é analisar as prováveis facetas atuais desse conceito: o jornalismo popularesco através da análise do Agora São Paulo e do Jornal da Tarde e das mídias colaborativas digitais. Usando o instrumental dos Estudos da Retórica, da Nova Retórica, da Pragmática do Texto (de Umberto Eco), da Análise do Discurso e da Argumentação Comunicacional, a dissertação busca demonstrar um novo âmbito da questão da massificação: a massa argumentativa, onde a condição massiva não é ontológica a esses membros da massa, o contraponto da elite. / This study aims to examine, through historical and discursive routes, the concept of mass within the Communication Studies. Built through this framework, the goal is to analyze the probable current facets of this concept: popular journalism through analysis of Agora São Paulo and Jornal da Tarde and collaborative digital media. Using the methodological tools of the Study of Rhetoric, New Rhetoric, Pragmatics of Text (by Umberto Eco), Discourse Analysis and Communicational Argumentation, the dissertation aims to demonstrate a new connection with the question of mass: the mass based on argument, where the condition to be massive is not ontological to those members of the mass, the counterpoint of the elite.

What does the media discourse of the refugee look like and what impact does it have on people's views of refugees? By interviewing five informants from a small village in Ångermanland, I have investigated how they view the media discourse about the refugee and how this media image affects their own contact and view of refugees. During the years 2013-now, the village's population increased by about 55% and they have all interacted a lot with the refugees. How does, the often negative media image affect them and their interaction with the refugees, and what does the media image do to our view of refugees? And, in the end, what my informants think weighs most, what we get conveyed through the media or the real meetings in the village.

Recent studies have shown how social media platforms provide online spaces for people to express negativity and hate towards refugees, especially those who fled during the refugee crisis of 2015. With a theoretical framework of postcolonialism, orientalism, eurocentrism and a linguistic power perspective this study examines whether the same applies to Ukrainian refugees that fled during the Russian-Ukrainian war that started in February of 2022. The aim is to ascertain how both the groups of refugees that fled during the refugee crisis and the Russian-Ukrainian war were constructed by Swedish Facebook users.  Through critical discourse analysis 61 comments written on the Swedish newspaper Expressen's Facebook page were analyzed in this study. The results show how six out of seven discourses contributed to the construction of a negative image of refugees that fled during the refugee crisis. The most common discourse show how they constantly were being mistrusted and accused of lying as opposed to the Ukrainian refugees who were constructed in a more positive manner. There was a presence of eurocentrism and the “Us” and “Them” construction in the comments. Refugees that fled during the refugee crisis constantly were being distanced while Ukrainian refugees were constructed as a part of the European “Us”.

Thesis advisor: Andrés Castro Samayoa / The involvement of colleges and universities in the provision of higher education opportunities in prison has reemerged after a long pause following the 1994 Omnibus Crime Bill, which effectively ended the majority of postsecondary prison education programs. The 2016 Second Chance Pell Program has been instrumental in the development and expansion of higher education opportunities in prison. Support for justice reform measures has led to the likely full restoration of Pell Grant availability in prisons, taking effect as early as 2023, with funding for the initiative included in the most recent congressional stimulus bill. Both Second Chance Pell and one of the most progressive state-level prison education policies, New York’s Right Priorities initiative, rely almost exclusively on positioning higher education in prison as a tool for meeting the market needs of the state: reduced recidivism equating to taxpayer savings. This dissertation extends prior research examining the pitfalls of justifications overly reliant on narratives of recidivism. Using a three-article approach, it explores justifications capable of articulating the full moral vigor necessary to sustain long-term commitments to such policies and programs, ones that prioritize humanized responses to incarceration. The first article amplifies justifications articulated by those who have been the beneficiaries of such educational opportunities, investigating formerly incarcerated student perspectives on the value, meaning, and purpose of such programs. The second article, by focusing on policy developments within the state of New York, examines how the rhetoric of recidivism emerges in media coverage of both federal and state level support for college-level prison education. And, finally, the third article considers the pedagogical implications of adjusting the lens through which programs are defended, exploring the use of andragogical teaching methods—those associated with the tenets of adult education—in the context of prison classrooms. Taken together, each study contributes to literatures examining justifications for higher education in prison, and develops deeper understandings of the need for the provision of such opportunities. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education.

This thesis examines how former and current Prime Ministers, Theresa May and Boris Johnson are represented in two British newspapers, The Guardian and The Sun, a broadsheet and a tabloid, during the election time, namely July 2016 for May and July 2019 for Johnson. By applying Critical Discourse Analysis, and especially Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of analysis (1989), as well as studies on gender discourse, this study investigates how constructions of gender stereotypes are created. The thesis is performed to study and compare possible examples of inequity in the representation of Theresa May and Boris Johnson, and to seek an answer to whether these representations are based on gender stereotypes or not. By introducing the discursive representation approach, this study has uncovered how the discourses in the articles surrounding Theresa May have shifted focus a day before and on the day of election, whilst for Boris Johnson, the discourses have stayed the same.

In this thesis I have conducted a critical discourse analysis of foureditorial texts, published in the newspapers Aftonbladet, DagensNyheter, Expressen and Svenska Dagbladet. Drawing on theoriesabout media discourses (Fairclough 1995), agenda-setting(McCombs & Shaw 1972) and framing (Goffman 1974), I haveexamined how the findings of Bolin et al (2016) correlate with discursivelyframed representations in these texts, in regards to negative,positive or neutral framing of border controls, immigrationand the connection made to political parties during the first weekof January 2016, when the Swedish temporary border controlswere introduced.The results showed both consistencies and inconsistencies in regardsto framing, where the liberal newspapers Dagens Nyheterand Expressen’s editorials were less negative towards the bordercontrols and expressed more negative and stereotypical framingson refugees and migration than expected, whereas the independentsocial democratic Aftonbladet expressed the assumed negativeframing on border controls and the Social Democrates, and positiveframing on migration. The most unexpected findings wasSvenska Dagbladet that contrary to the previous findings in Bolinet al’s study framed migration positively and took the most explicitstand against the border controls. The findings may indicate a politicaland cultural change due to the change in directions in theSocial Democrats migration politics.