Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-17T18:56:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marcelabatistamartinhao.pdf: 1205483 bytes, checksum: 4338b1816f91f644aebfc250ed9d4f75 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-22T11:36:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marcelabatistamartinhao.pdf: 1205483 bytes, checksum: 4338b1816f91f644aebfc250ed9d4f75 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-22T11:36:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marcelabatistamartinhao.pdf: 1205483 bytes, checksum: 4338b1816f91f644aebfc250ed9d4f75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-21 / Esta dissertação versa sobre a obra poética da poeta colombiana Marta Quiñónez, que atualmente vive em Medelin, publicada até o momento, que consiste nos seguintes volumes: Noctívago (1998), Acantilado (1999), Abecedário de Eximición (2000), Eva (2001), Kartalá (2002), La Trinidad (2005), Arcanos (2007), No. Libro de haripalas (2010), Dame tu canto ciudad (2012), Conversaciones en Comala (2012), Paréntesis (2013), El rostro del pan (2014) e Continente Mohíno (2016), publicado originalmente em 1996. O trabalho se concentra em quatro eixos principais, a saber: diáspora, migração, território e o lar, em diálogo com os temas do amor, da afetividade, da territorialização/desterritorialização nos centros urbanos, e da casa, perpassando as discussões de gênero e raciais na divisão dos espaços geográficos e sociais. Discutimos como este corpo e subjetividade feminina negra homossexual se reconfigura para a construção subjetiva de seu lar, considerando-se a experiência da desterritorialização e da migração, e o poema como a força reterritorializadora que alça as noções de pertencimento e conexão à sua própria criação poética como principal catalizadora de suas vivências. Percorremos toda sua obra em certa cronologia temática, iniciada com Continente Mohíno (1996) até El rostro del pan (2014), cujo principal objetivo é compreender a relação estabelecida entre sua escrita poética e o imaginário da diáspora contemporânea e fluxos migratórios, no que diz respeito aos territórios e a construção subjetiva do lar. A versatilidade e criatividade de sua poesia é flagrante por seu próprio curso de vida de movimento e desarraigo, que confluem para uma literatura capaz de abrigar suas vivências para além dos reducionismos históricos e sociais do lugar da mulher negra homossexual na literatura e na sociedade. / This dissertation approaches the poetic work of Colombian poet Marta Quiñónez, who currently lives in Medelin, which has been published to date, consisting of the following volumes: Noctívago (1998), Acantilado (1999), Abecedário de Eximición (2000), Eva (2001), Kartalá (2002), La Trinidad (2005), Arcanos (2007), No. Libro de haripalas (2010), Dame tu canto ciudad (2012), Conversaciones en Comala (2012), Paréntesis (2013), El rostro del pan (2014) and Continente Mohíno (2016), originally published in 1996. The work focuses on four main axes: diaspora, migration, territory and home, in dialogue with the themes of love, affectivity, territorialization/deterritorialization in urban centers, and the house, bypassing gender and racial discussions in the division of geographic and social spaces. We discuss how this homosexual black female body and subjectivity reconfigures itself for the subjective construction of its home, considering the experience of deterritorialization and migration, taking the poem as the reterritorializing force that elevates the notions of belonging and connection to its own poetic creation as main catalyst of her experiences. We go through all her work in a certain thematic chronology, beginning with Continente Mohíno (1996) until El rostro del pan (2014), whose main objective is to understand the relation established between her poetic writing and the contemporary diaspora imaginary and migratory flows, concerning territories and the subjective construction of home. The versatility and creativity of her poetry is blatant for her own life course of movement and uprooting, which converge to a literature capable of sheltering her experiences beyond the historical and social reductions of the homosexual black woman's place in literature and society.

La problématique de cette thèse est celle de la formalisation du travail domestique. Au-delà de la mise en œuvre de la politique des titres-services, cette thèse ouvre le questionnement sur les possibilités et le limites de la professionnalisation d’une quelconque politique pour le travail domestique. Sur base de notre recherche qualitative, trois constats inédits émanent de nos résultats.Le premier constat inédit émerge de l’étude de la politique des titres-services et de sa mise en œuvre en Région bruxelloise. Celle-ci a montré que les entreprises agréées en titres-services ne veulent pas embaucher des chercheures d’emploi de longue durée, qu’elles associent aux "Belges" et au manque de motivation à travailler dans le secteur. Les entreprises cherchent principalement à engager des travailleuses migrantes avec expérience sur le marché au noir et qui, de préférence, amènent leur clientèle avec elles. Ces travailleuses sont plus autonomes et exigent très peu de travail de la part des entreprises de titres-services. Cette préférence de recrutement des entreprises agréées va jusqu’à mettre en place des pratiques d’évitement des circuits officiels d’offre d’emploi. Ce constat fait ressortir en outre l’importance des liens ethniques dans la formation du marché du travail domestique formel. Le deuxième constat inédit est le rôle de la régularité de séjour comme déterminant pour l’accès à une vraie transformation identitaire et l’émancipation des travailleuses domestiques migrantes, en opposition à l’accès à un travail formel. Être "migrante sans papiers" et les conséquences de ce (manque de) statut dans les sociétés d’accueil ont déjà été décrites par plusieurs auteurs (Andall 2000; Anderson 2000; Parreñas 2001; Lutz 2011; Ambrosini 2012; Schwenken & Heimeshoff 2013). Nos analyses démontrent, par la situation contraire du passage à la régularité de séjour et à la formalité du travail, que l’entrée dans le travail formel est incapable d’amener seule une vraie transformation identitaire. Ainsi, si du point de vue statutaire les travailleuses en titres-services ont expérimenté un type de reconnaissance par la fiche de paie, les droits sociaux et un salaire direct et indirect, leur vie dans les faits n’a pas été changée et elles continuent à travailler aux mêmes endroits dans des conditions similaires. Et surtout, elles continuent à être vues de la même manière par elles-mêmes, par leurs employeuses devenues clientes et par la société. Enfin, l’opportunité d’un marché du travail formel est insuffisante pour résoudre la question de l’empowerment des travailleuses migrantes et de l’accomplissement de la professionnalisation – un processus en cours mais qui n’avance que lentement.Le troisième constat inédit de cette thèse est l’évidence que le règlement des titres-services et la logique qui structure cette politique ne favorisent ni la qualité d’emploi ni la valorisation de la profession, pour plusieurs raisons, entre autres la libre concurrence de ce quasi-marché, le fait que les travailleuses sont des salariées "entrepreneures d’elles-mêmes" et le manque de responsabilisation des clientes. / This PhD investigates the transition of the domestic work market in Brussels to formalization through the implementation of the housework voucher policy by the Belgian government in 2004 (the “titres-services” policy).Now existing for about ten years, one can say that the voucher policy has been a success in bringing from the shadow to formal market many domestic work employers and workers. In terms of valorization of paid domestic work, however, changes were meagre: if the housework voucher opens to domestic workers the possibility to access a formal job and its related social rights, domestic work in Brussels is still not attractive enough for nationals and is dominated by mainly newly arrived migrant women. The fact the work is formal does not change the image of the job as a ‘dirty work’. The main beneficiaries of the policy are, in fine, middle or upper classes, which can achieve work/life balance by meeting their demand of housework services at a much lower price than they used to pay in the informal sector.This PhD brings up three new results.Firstly, authorized voucher service companies avoid hiring job-seekers, although job creation is one of the policy goals. Companies prefer to hire workers that were previously in the informal domestic work market, as they consider these workers are used to the job, motivated and often bring their clients with them.Secondly, the migrant status of domestic workers switching to the formal market appears as a decisive factor for them to experience a change in their identity as workers and citizens. The mere change from an informal labor market to a formal labor market is insufficient for the workers to challenge their (often low) self-esteem and to allow them empower themselves (Adjamago & Calvès 2012). Thirdly, this research brings evidence that the voucher service system fails to enhance job quality and to upgrade the domestic work sector. Among other factors, because of the livre market competition, voucher employees being “entrepreneurs without enterprise” (Granovetter 1995), and the lack of voucher clients’ responsibility within the policy. This PhD research shows that the commodification of domestic work in Brussels did not change the fact that domestic tasks are gendered as ‘women’s work’ and hence did not bring changes whereby couples share the tasks. Besides, voucher agency publicities and leaflets reflect this gendered norm, in focusing on woman’s choice to commodify domestic tasks and earn ‘quality time’ with her beloved ones or for herself.Finally, it points policymaking difficulties in bringing a specific job, historically informal and personalized, to the formal labor market. Policymaking cannot evade the question of who is doing the housework, and should therefore look at the interaction of care, gender and migration regimes. Otherwise, gender equality in the labor market will continue to be met only by middle and upper class, and only through domestic work outsourcing (to other women), perpetuating gender, class and 'race' dominating positions. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La migración venezolana es parte de los numerosos problemas por los que atraviesan los países de Latinoamérica. Venezuela se sumergió en una gran crisis política y recesión económica, luego de la muerte del presidente Hugo Chávez (2013). Nicolás Maduro, el actual presidente, no ha sabido cómo salir de esta hiperinflación, que este año llegará a rondar el 10.000.000%, según el Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI). Por eso, cerca de tres millones de llaneros han escapado de su país porque no tienen empleo o el sueldo no les alcanza para sobrevivir. Cerca de un millón de venezolanos han ingresado al Perú en busca de nuevas oportunidades y un futuro mejor. Pero, algunos de ellos han cometido y cometen delitos en el país, que ha sido muy sonado en todos los medios y ha generado una opinión negativa en una parte de la población. El siguiente trabajo de investigación trata sobre el análisis del manejo de la información (la cobertura periodística) de los artículos web de los diarios El Comercio y La República sobre migrantes venezolanos en el Perú. Me he enfocado a estos medios masivos, pues considero que estos actúan como sistemas de transmisión de mensajes y símbolos para el ciudadano promedio. Es por ello que los objetivos de este trabajo de investigación son el análisis crítico de los discursos periodísticos, como representaciones que construyen una realidad, sobre los migrantes venezolanos en el Perú. / Venezuelan migration is part of the numerous problems that Latin American countries are going through. Venezuela was immersed in a great political crisis and economic recession, after the death of President Hugo Chávez (2013). Nicolás Maduro, the current president, has not known how to get out of this hyperinflation, which this year will reach around 10,000,000%, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Therefore, about three million llaneros have escaped from their country because they have no employment or their salary is not enough to survive. Nearly one million Venezuelans have entered Peru in search of new opportunities and a better future. But, some of them have committed and commit crimes in the country, which has been widely heard in all media and has generated a negative opinion in a part of the population. The following research work deals with the analysis of information management (journalistic coverage) of the web articles of the newspapers El Comercio and La República about Venezuelan migrants in Peru. I have focused on these mass media, because I consider that these act as systems of transmission of messages and symbols for the average citizen. That is why the objectives of this research work are the critical analysis of journalistic discourses, as representations that build a reality, about Venezuelan migrants in Peru. / Trabajo de investigación

Introducción: Además de tener acceso limitado a los servicios de salud, la población migrante es vulnerable a problemas de salud tales como enfermedades crónicas. Considerando la masiva migración venezolana al Perú se evaluó la asociación entre factores sociodemográficos y recibir tratamiento para enfermedades crónicas en pacientes migrantes venezolanos según la “Encuesta Dirigida a la Población Venezolana que Reside en el País” - ENPOVE 2018. Métodos: Estudio transversal analítico basado en un análisis secundario de ENPOVE 2018. El estudio incluyó a todo migrante venezolano con 18 años a más que tuvieran enfermedades crónicas de cualquier tipo. El desenlace fue haber recibido tratamiento para la enfermedad crónica que padece. Se usó Regresión de Poisson para obtener razones de prevalencia crudas y ajustadas (RPa) considerando el muestreo complejo. Resultados: Un total de 865 personas con enfermedades crónicas fueron incluidas; de estos 21.98% recibió tratamiento. La media de edad fue 36.6 años, 41.8% fueron hombres, y 92.7% no tenían seguro de salud. Recibir tratamiento se asoció a ser viudo/divorciado/ex conviviente (RPa:1.87; IC95%:1.16-3.03) respecto a los convivientes/casados. Estar afiliado a cualquier tipo de seguro de salud aumentó la probabilidad de recibir tratamiento (RPa:1.85; IC95%:1.19-2.88). Para enfermedad crónica metabólica, solo se encontró asociación con estar afiliado a cualquier tipo de seguro (RPa:2.26; IC95%:1.17-4.39). Conclusión: El estar afiliado a cualquier seguro de salud estuvo asociado tanto a recibir tratamiento para cualquier enfermedad crónica como para enfermedad crónica metabólica. Estos resultados resaltan la necesidad de brindar aseguramiento en salud a las poblaciones vulnerables, como migrantes. / Background: Migrants have limited access to healthcare and are particularly vulnerable to health problems like chronic diseases. Considering the massive migration from Venezuela to Peru, the aim of this study is to assess the association of sociodemographic factors with receiving treatment for chronic diseases among Venezuelan migrants according to “Encuesta Dirigida a la Población Venezolana que Reside en el País” - ENPOVE 2018. Methods: A cross-sectional study based on a secondary analysis from ENPOVE 2018 was conducted. We included all Venezuelan migrants ≥18 years old with chronic diseases of any kind. The outcome was to receive treatment for the chronic disease that the patient suffers. Crude and adjusted prevalence ratios (aPR) were obtained using Poisson regression corrected by complex sampling. Results: We included 865 migrants with chronic diseases; from whom, 21.98% received treatment. Mean age was 36.6 years old, 41.8% were male, and 92.71% did not have health insurance. Receiving treatment was associated with being widow/divorced/ex-partner (aPR:1.87; 95%CI:1.16-3.03) compared with being married or in a partnership. Having health insurance increased the probability of receiving treatment (aPR:1.85; 95%CI:1.19-2.88). For chronic metabolic diseases, receiving treatment was only associated with having health insurance (aPR:2.26; 95%CI:1.17-4.39). Conclusion: Having health insurance was associated with receiving treatment for any chronic disease and for metabolic chronic diseases. These results highlight the need of offering health insurance to vulnerable populations, like migrants. / Tesis

[ES] La "colonialidad" es un ethos cultural no superado, tanto en España como en las antiguas Colonias. En el marco migratorio español, donde existe un flujo permanente de personas provenientes principalmente de África y América Latina, vislumbrar la resignificación contemporánea de las relaciones coloniales fundamentadas en la desigualdad entre el Norte Global y el Sur Global, nos permite entender al racismo como un sistema de ficciones y una matriz organizadora de poder con implicaciones a nivel económico, político, social, cultural, histórico y epistémico. El creciente movimiento antirracista en España busca visibilizar y erradicar este sistema de exclusión, luchando por los derechos de miles de personas migrantes provenientes del Sur Global que habitan en este territorio. Para esto, retoman reflexiones dadas desde la teoría y feminismos decoloniales con el propósito de hacer visibles las relaciones de poder desiguales, con herencia colonial, que operan y afectan las vidas de las personas migrantes y racializadas en España. Este trabajo de investigación etnográfica busca entender a las redes migratorias de mujeres en el estado español desde el trabajo y experiencias de una colectiva de corte feminista, antirracista y decolonial que opera en Valencia, "Mujeres con Voz". Donde mujeres provenientes del Sur Global trabajan por romper con los estereotipos y violencias que median sus experiencias, para construirse como sujetos políticos activos en su nueva sociedad de recepción. Esta investigación busca entender cómo se construye y qué permite esta red migratoria, además de evidenciar qué significa para este grupo ser una mujer migrante y racializada en Valencia. Para esto, se harán visibles las estrategias y espacios de resistencia decolonial que ha generado este grupo en un contexto migratorio complejo, donde el aparataje estatal, legal y los paisajes mediáticos locales y globales, generan estereotipos migratorios que limitan sus vidas y pleno desarrollo. / [CAT] La "colonialitat" és un ethos cultural no superat tant a Espanya com a les antigues Colònies. En el marc migratori espanyol, on hi ha un flux permanent de persones provinents principalment d'Àfrica i Amèrica Llatina, albirar la resignificació contemporània de les relacions colonials fonamentades en la desigualtat entre el Nord Global i el Sud Global, ens permet entendre a el racisme com un sistema de ficcions i una matriu organitzadora de poder amb implicacions a nivell econòmic, polític, social, cultural, epistèmic i històric. El creixent moviment antiracista a Espanya busca visibilitzar i eradicar aquest sistema d'exclusió, lluitant pels drets de milers de persones migrants provinents de el Sud Global que habiten en aquest territori. Per això, reprenen reflexions donades des de la teoria i feminismes decoloniales amb el propòsit de fer visibles les relacions de poder desiguals, amb herència colonial, que operen i afecten les vides de les persones migrants i racialitzades a Espanya. Aquest treball de recerca etnogràfica busca entendre a les xarxes migratòries de dones a l'estat espanyol des del treball i experiències d'una col·lectiva de tall feminista, antiracista i decolonial que opera a València, "Dones amb Veu". On dones provinents de Sud Global treballen per trencar amb els estereotips i violències que intervenen seves experiències, per construir-se com a subjectes polítics actius en la seva nova societat de recepció. Aquesta investigació busca entendre com es construeix i què permet aquesta xarxa migratòria, a més d'evidenciar què significa per a aquest grup ser una dona migrant i racialitzada a València. Per això, es faran visibles les estratègies i espais de resistència decolonial que ha generat aquest grup en un context migratori complex, on el aparells de l'Estat, legal i els paisatges mediàtics locals i globals generen estereotips migratoris que limiten les vides d'aquestes dones. / [EN] "Coloniality" is a current cultural ethos that operates both in Spain and in the former Colonies. This influences the Spanish migratory framework, which has a permanent flow of people coming mainly from Africa and Latin America. To understand the contemporary resignifications of these colonial relations based on the inequality between the Global North and the Global South, allows us to understand racism as a system of fictions and an organizing matrix of power with implications at the economic, political, social, cultural, historical and epistemic levels. The growing anti-racist movement in Spain seeks to make visible and eradicate this system of exclusion, fighting for the rights of thousands of migrants from the Global South who live in this territory. For this, they take up reflections given from decolonial theory and feminisms with the purpose of making visible the unequal power relations, with colonial heritage, that operate and affect the lives of migrants and racialized people in Spain. This ethnographic research seeks to understand the migratory networks of women in the Spanish state from the work and experiences of a feminist, anti-racist and decolonial collective that operates in Valencia, "Mujeres con Voz". Where women from the Global South work to break the stereotypes and violence that mediate their experiences and construct themselves as active political subjects in their new society. This research seeks to understand how this migratory network is developed and what it allows, and show what it means for this group to be a migrant and racialized woman in Valencia. The strategies, and spaces of decolonial resistance generated by this group will become visible in a complex migratory context, where the state, legal, and local and global media landscapes generate migratory stereotypes that limit the lives of these women. / Naranjo Ayala, MJ. (2021). Redes migratorias de mujeres y espacios decolonizadores, estudio de etnografía visual: Colectiva "Mujeres con voz-Valencia" [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/177646 / TESIS

Historically, over the years, it seems that globally, societies have undergone severe changes, due to population movements, because of wars, internal conflicts and pandemics. History repeats itself today, as wars, civil violence, poverty and pandemics have not stopped, causing an influx of refugees and migrants in the western world (USA, Canada, Germany, Spain, Italy, France, etc.). Greece is one of these countries, which is an accessible place for refugees and migrants, due to its geophysical location. Therefore, up to this day, the coexistence of people with different races, cultures, religions and languages is a point of discussion for the host countries. As a standard value, social justice creates conditions of equality and acceptance of diversity, passing down from generation to generation through family and, later, school. Social justice in education is linked to the ability to perceive conditions that marginalize and exclude children of certain social groups from access to education and knowledge. At the same time, it is linked to the creation of an open democratic school, which promotes the values of equality, acceptance and love for those students, who belong to marginalized social groups, such as refugees and migrants. School leadership of social justice is the continuation of education of social justice, called upon to envision and create this open democratic school through transformational leadership practices. This research comes to add another stone to the previous relevant research, inspired by them, aiming at highlighting the implementation of school leadership of social justice in Greek multicultural primary schools in the light of the views of their principals. Through the development of the theoretical framework, this research paper, presenting historical backgrounds from the Middle Ages to the present day, thoroughly describes the multicultural social context in Greece and Europe, as well as social justice in the educational and school leadership process. Specifically, this research study attempts to discover the inclusive practices of school leadership of social justice, which are related to the co-education of refugee/migrant students in the Greek primary schools and to highlight problems that may, possibly, stop them. Action research has been chosen as an appropriate methodological tool, since its main goal is to explore and understand societies and educational systems, as well as to achieve their change to a better quality. The research process, which, in fact, took place in the year 2021, is characterized by a substantial social phenomenon, which stroke humanity, worldwide, at that time. The COVID-19 pandemic brought significant changes to the operation of schools, as education was carried out remotely, through special platforms, resulting in the closure of schools for long periods of time. For this reason, quantitative methods and practices have been used, such as the questionnaire, which is the most appropriate and reliable form of research tool, especially when research takes place in such difficult social conditions. The investigation focused on: a) the search for practices followed by school social justice leaders to include refugee/migrant students, b) the search for problems that may deter these practices, and c) the intercultural values that govern the school leader of social justice. The most important findings of the research can be summarized as follows: a) school leaders believe in the value of social justice and try to implement and promote it, creating an appropriate school environment, b) they believe in the co-education of refugee/migrant children with other students in the same classroom and not at separate times in the school timetable, c) they consider that coexistence with refugee/migrant students is beneficial for all children, d) they believe that the main problem that makes it difficult for them to include refugee/migrant students into the school environment is the different language and religion and e) even if they believe that inclusive practices should be applied for these students, Greek school leaders do not seem to organize and implement intercultural innovative educational programs and events at their schools. The originality and contribution of this research study to the science of school leadership of social justice is essential, as it has given its intercultural dimension in the light of the inclusion of refugee/migrant students. There are not many research studies that focus on the intercultural character of school leadership of social justice. Therefore, this research, in Greece, provides the opportunity to obtain important information for being used by the Greek and international Ministries of Education. The main proposal of this research concerns the design and imperative implementation of Intercultural Education Training Programs for school leaders, as, nowadays, worldwide, not only in Greece, school has a multicultural nature.

La migración interna aún es una condición presente en nuestro país. De tal forma que los estudios antropológicos del espacio y lugar resultan relevantes para comprender y analizar qué sucede con los migrantes y su lugar de origen, cómo se construye esa relación a distancia y con el paso del tiempo, qué sentidos se atribuyen al terruño y qué resistencias emergen. Para ello, se recoge la noción de paisaje emocional de Kahn, la propuesta conceptual sobre place attachment presentada por Low y Altman, así como la tipificación de Cross sobre los procesos de place attachment. Se plantea una metodología de investigación mixta para explorar los paisajes emocionales de los informantes. Para ello, se emplean herramientas y técnicas que nos acercan a la sutileza de los recuerdos, lo sensorial y lo no dicho. Recogiendo la propuesta de la antropóloga de Sarah Pink de una etnografía visual se hizo registros audiovisuales, entrevistas en profundidad, uso de mapas y un análisis de objetos personales, poniendo a prueba lo que herramienta nos pueden ofrecer para obtener información. De tal forma que se propone el paisaje emocional como aquel espacio observado a través del filtro de las experiencias interpersonales y la memoria selectiva. Surgiendo un sentido de lugar particular e individual (pero que muchas veces puede ser compartido con otros) y que se evidencia mediante el lenguaje, las dinámicas y las narrativas que se cuentan u ocultan sobre ese espacio. Finalmente, se convierte en un espacio imbuido de sensaciones y sentimientos.

[pt] O presente estudo tem o objetivo de compreender o desenvolvimento do conceito de safe third country (terceiro país seguro) e suas consequências para a proteção internacional dos refugiados, a partir do princípio do non-refoulement (princípio da não devolução). Busca-se analisar de que forma esta ideia está sendo aplicada pelos Estados, através dos tratados internacionais com a finalidade de transferência de solicitantes de refúgio a terceiros países supostamente seguros. Além disso, a pesquisa analisa a jurisprudência dos Sistemas Interamericano e Europeu de Direitos Humanos sobre as devoluções de refugiados e migrantes, assim como o diálogo entre as cortes internacionais sobre este tema, especialmente à luz das especificidades regionais do continente americano. Portanto, o trabalho demonstra que as políticas dos países com base na noção de safe third country são mecanismos para transferir suas responsabilidades em relação ao refúgio e representam obstáculos para a garantia dos direitos humanos de refugiados. / [en] The present study aims to understand the development of the concept of safe third country and its consequences for the international protection of refugees, based on the principle of non-refoulement. It seeks to analyze how this idea has been applied by States, through international treaties with the purpose of transferring asylum seekers to supposedly safe third countries. Moreover, the research analyzes the jurisprudence of the Inter-American and European Human Rights Systems on the returns of refugees and migrants, as well as the dialogue between international courts on this topic, especially considering the regional specificities of the American continent. Therefore, this research demonstrates that countries policies based on the notion of safe third country are mechanisms to transfer their responsibilities in relation to refuge and represent obstacles to guaranteeing the human rights of refugees. / [es] El presente estudio tiene como objetivo comprender el desarrollo del concepto de safe third country (tercer país seguro) y sus consecuencias para la protección internacional de los refugiados, a partir del principio de non-refoulement (principio de no devolución). Se busca analizar cómo dicha idea está siendo aplicada por los Estados, a través de tratados internacionales con el propósito de trasladar solicitantes de refugio a terceros países supuestamente seguros. Además, la investigación analiza la jurisprudencia de los Sistemas Interamericano y Europeo de Derechos Humanos sobre las devoluciones de refugiados y migrantes, así como el diálogo entre cortes internacionales sobre este tema, especialmente a la luz de las especificidades regionales del continente americano. Por lo tanto, el trabajo demuestra que las políticas de los países basadas en la noción de safe third country son mecanismos para transferir sus responsabilidades con relación al refugio y representan obstáculos para garantizar los derechos humanos de los refugiados.

Cette thèse traite des effets de la migration sur le statut professionnel et social des travailleuses domestiques et des nouveaux rapports de subordination qui en découlent, analysés à l'intersection des rapports de genre, de classe et de « race ». Le but de cette recherche est d'aborder l'ordre hiérarchique de ces différents rapports et d'analyser les causes structurelles de la subordination. Les travailleuses migrantes chaoxianzu appartenaient à la classe symboliquement au pouvoir dans la Chine socialiste, en tant qu’ouvrières industrielles et agricoles. En examinant leur expérience de travail dans cinq villes de trois pays - France, Corée du Sud et Chine - nous analysons comment les conditions de travail de chaque société d’immigration affectent leur statut en tant que travailleuses. Les participantes à notre recherche vivent et perçoivent leur expérience de travail à la lumière de l’habitus professionnel de la Chine socialiste, basé sur la fierté en tant que travailleuses. Selon leur perception, dans la migration, elles ne changent pas pour un niveau hiérarchique et professionnel inférieur, mais souffrent, collectivement, de la position subalterne des travailleurs domestiques sans-papiers dans le référentiel de l’ordre hiérarchique de la société capitaliste. Plutôt qu'un travail trivial, elles perçoivent leur métier comme une somme de tâches nobles, physiques et émotionnelles. Elles s’inscrivent dans la chaîne globalisée du care. Mais, en s'interrogeant sur leur statut subalterne, elles remettent en cause la logique de reproduction de la hiérarchie sociale. / This thesis deals with the effects of migration on the occupational and social status of domestic workers and the resulting new relationships of subordination that are analyzed at the intersection of gender, class and ‘race’ relations. The purpose of this research is to address the hierarchical order of these different relationships and to analyze the structural causes of subordination. The Chaoxianzu women migrant workers belonged to the class symbolically in power in socialist China, as industrial and agricultural workers. By examining their work experience in five cities in three countries - France, South Korea and China - we analyze how the working conditions of each immigration society affect their status as women workers. The participants in our research live and perceive their work experience in light of their professional habitus of socialist China, based on pride as women workers. According to their perception, in migrating they do not change for a lower hierarchical and professional level, but collectively suffer from the subordinate position of undocumented domestic workers typical for capitalist society’s hierarchical order. Rather than perceiving their job as trivial, they see it as a sum of noble, physical and emotional tasks. They are part of the global chain of care. But, in questioning their subordinate status, they undermine the logic inherent to the reproduction of social hierarchies.

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