L’effondrement et le démantèlement de l’Empire ottoman à la suite de la Première Guerre mondiale ont conduit les Grandes puissances européennes à opérer un partage territorial du Proche-Orient, légitimé par le système des mandats de la Société des Nations (SDN). Sans précédent, cette administration internationale marqua le point de départ de l’internationalisation de la question de la Palestine, dont le droit international allait servir de socle à une nouvelle forme de colonialisme. Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) continua l’action entreprise par la SDN en s’occupant également de cette question sur la demande des Britanniques. En novembre 1947, l’ONU décida du partage de la Palestine en deux Etats pour résoudre les conflits entre sionistes et nationalistes arabes. Si ce partage fut accepté par les sionistes, il fut rejeté par les Etats arabes voisins et de nombreux Arabes palestiniens. Les affrontements opposant nationalistes arabes et sionistes de Palestine laissèrent place au conflit israélo-arabe après la proclamation d’Indépendance de l’Etat d’Israël en mai 1948. Au commencement de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis et l’URSS prirent conscience de l’intérêt géostratégique de cette région, progressivement désinvestie par la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Dans cette étude, nous verrons comment la scène interétatique et la communauté internationale, successivement composée de la SDN puis de l’ONU, ont en partie scellé le sort du Proche et Moyen-Orient. Nous consacrerons également une analyse au rôle joué par les idéologies nationalistes arabes et sionistes, qui tiennent une place centrale au sein de ce conflit. / The collapse and dismantling of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, led the great European powers to engage in a territorial division of the Middle East, legitimized by the mandates system of the League of Nations. Without any precedents, that international administration marked the beginning of the internationalization of Palestine’s thorny issue. The international law would serve as the pillar for a new form of colonialism. The day after World War II, the United Nations continued the action taken by the League of Nations, as well as for the demand of the British. In November 1947, the UN decided to divide Palestine into two States. If the Zionists had accepted that split, their neighbors, Arab States and Palestinian Arabs, would have rejected it. The clashes opposing the Arab Nationalists and the Palestine Zionists gave space to the Arab-Israeli conflict after the independence of Israel, on May 14, 1948. At the beginning of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union became aware of the geo-strategic interest in this region, gradually divested by France and Great Britain. In this study, we will see how the interstate scene and the international community, successively composed by the League of Nations and the United Nations, have partially sealed the fate of the Near and the Middle East. We will also devote a preliminary analysis related to the role played by the Arabs and Zionists nationalist ideologies, which are central in this conflict.

This dissertation contains three independent essays relating energy economics. The first essay investigates price asymmetry of diesel in South Korea by using the error correction model. Analyzing weekly market prices in the pass-through of crude oil, this model shows asymmetric price response does not exist at the upstream market but at the downstream market. Since time-variant residuals are found by the specified models for both weekly and daily retail prices at the downstream level, these models are implemented by a Generalized Autoregressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (GARCH) process. The estimated results reveal that retail prices increase fast in the rise of crude oil prices but decrease slowly in the fall of those. Surprisingly, retail prices rarely respond to changes of crude oil prices for the first five days. Based on collusive behaviors of retailers, this price asymmetry in Korea diesel market is explained. The second essay aims to evaluate the new incentive system for biodiesel in South Korea, which keeps the blend mandate but abolishes tax credits for government revenues. To estimate changed welfare from the new policy, a multivariate stochastic simulation method is applied into time-series data for the last five years. From the simulation results, the new biodiesel policy will lead government revenues to increases with the abolishment of tax credit. However, increased prices of blended diesel will cause to decrease demands of both biodiesel and blended diesel, so consumer and producer surplus in the transport fuel market will decrease. In the third essay, the Regression - Seasonal Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average (REGSARIMA) model is employed to predict the impact of air temperature on daily peak load demand in Houston. Compared with ARIMA and Seasonal Model, a REGARIMA model provides the more accurate prediction for daily peak load demand for the short term. The estimated results reveal air temperature in the Houston areas causes an increase in electricity consumption for cooling but to save that for heating. Since the daily peak electricity consumption is significantly affected by hot air temperature, this study makes a conclusion that it is necessary to establish policies to reduce urban heat island phenomena in Houston.

The Prefecture of Pella bought Heirachabis in 1895 and occupied it in 1898. This marked the beginning of the Mission in the South. The Oblates of Mary Immaculate officially started on 8 December 1896. They were allowed to minister among the Europeans and among Africans, not ministered to by a Protestant Mission. The first expansion was at Klein Windhoek, and at Swakopmund being the gateway to the Protectorate. The Tswana invited the Mission to help them after they had arrived from the Cape. Aminuis and Epukiro were founded. After 1905 the Mission was allowed to open stations among the Herera and Damara. Doebra, Gobabis, Usakos, Omaruru, and Okombahe were the result. Seven expeditions were undertaken to reach Kavango. After many failures the first mission became a reality at Nyangana in 1910. Just before the war the expansion reached Grootfontein, Tsumeb and Kokasib. In the South missions were opened at Warmbad, Gabis, Keetmanshoop, Luederitz and Gibeon. World War I scattered the African population of the towns which disturbed the missionary work. The S. A. Administration allowed most missionaries to stay. After the Peace Conference S. W. A. became a Mandate of S. A. In 1924 permission was granted to enter Owambo. The first station was opened in Ukuambi, later followed by Ombalantu and Okatana. In 1926 the Prefecture of Lower Cimbebasia was elevated to the Vicariate of Windhoek, while the Prefecture of Great Namaqualand became the Vicariate of Keetmanshoop in 1930. World War II left the missionary activities undisturbed. In 1943 Magistrate Trollop in Caprivi invited the Catholic Mission in 1943 to come and open educational and health facilities. The South expanded into Stampriet, Witkrans, Aroab, Mariental. The election victory in 1948 in South Africa of the Afrikaner Parties with the resulting apartheid legislation negatively affected the missions in S. W. A. After 1965 the influence of Vatican II became noticeable, while the pressure of the United Nations Organisation moved the territory towards independence. While initially the Catholic Church had been very cautious, in the ?O's and 80's she took a very definite stand in favour of human rights. She also became a full member of the CCN. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

This diploma thesis aims to provide an overview of strategies that are implemented by municipalities in the Central Bohemian region to articulate their interests. As a part of this work, a theoretical framework of interest articulation is covered, including models of direct form, indirect form and semi-direct form of interest articulation. Subject of the research is a sample of 14 municipalities in the Central Bohemian region. The results are based on semi- strucutred interveiws and provide with an overview of specific purposes and respective strategies of the municipalities according to a selected model (direct, indirect and semi-direct) of interest articulation.

The aim of this study is to analyze school counselors' experience regarding their work with children living under difficult home conditions. The objective is the counselors' view on their profession, their perceived mandate within their professional role, and the resources allocated to them. The method applied in this study is a qualitative approach. The data collection is characterized by interviews conducted with seven school counselors. Previous research has shown that the professional role as school counselor is unclear, and that the profession lacks precise policies. In research studies, Lipsky's theory of grassroots bureaucrats has been used, where we also have chosen to use the informal and formal scope. Through analysis, the result has shown that several of the school counselors perceive their professional role as undefined. Some of the school counselors said that they appreciate the unclear role because it provides them with an extensive and flexible mandate within their professional role. Furthermore the result shows that the school counselors perceive that some laws, such as the confidentiality law for example, limits their professional mandate. In the realm of available resources, the result has shown that most school counselors experience insufficient resources, often in the form of time and lack of competence development. Overall the school counselors experience limitations within their role and there are thus opportunities for development.

To a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact between these types of interactions, it does contend that the cultural evolution of the Levant has been significantly influenced by external interaction for a period of time extending beyond the Levantine Islamic Expansion. This study presents a chronological examination of the region from the pre-Expansion Period through the Mandate Period, focused upon relevant cultural structures. Specifically, emphasis is placed upon religious, ethnic, and nationalistic identity development, sociolinguistic shifts, and institutional changes within the societal structure. The primary conclusion of this study is that significant evidence exists to support a long-term historical narrative of externally influenced Levantine cultural evolution, inclusive of both adaptive and reactive interactions.

No description available.

South Africa has had a free mandate theory of representation up to 1994. From 1994 to 2002 an imperative theory applied and in 2003 a limited hybrid free mandate was introduced. The origin of parliament, the development of representation as a concept in Public Law and the birth of political parties are studied. It is shown that parliament and representation were natural developments that occurred at the same time, not by grand design, but by chance. It is also shown that political parties appeared first as informal intra-parliamentary groupings that developed into extra-parliamentary organisations, organised to achieve and exercise power in the political system as the franchise became more liberal. The factors that influence a member's mandate and floor-crossing as such are discussed. Finally it is concluded that from a legal historical perspective, a free mandate of representation is the preferred theory of representation in public law. / Jurisprudence / LL.M. (Public Law)

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The study explores the beliefs and wishes of respondents in Pretoria concerning crime seriousness and criminal sentencing in South Africa. It is suggested that in a democracy, the legal system must reflect the values of the individual citizen if it is to achieve a legitimacy based upon the concepts of moral consent and universality, and argues that this can only be achieved when all citizens have a voice. The study undertakes and reports on a survey of 400 units, across race divisions in and around the City of Pretoria by initially emulating, and thereafter extending, the British Crime Survey. The thesis offers seven chapters divided into two primary components. The first component, chapters one to four, systematically debate the historical/theoretical foundations of sentencing practice (both globally and in respect of South Africa), and identifies the inherent problems faced by contemporary criminal justice systems. The study utilises sentencing literature to provide an in-depth appraisal of theoretical paradigms and, thereafter, evaluates the successes and failures of various sentencing options. The second component, chapters five to seven, unpack the Pretorian research in relation to various other foreign research surveys, and culminates by offering a South African sentencing guide (severity index) based upon the research findings. The findings identify the people of Pretoria to be punitive. Respondents are shown to regard rape and driving whilst over the legal alcohol level causing the death of an innocent victim as the most serious crimes, followed by deliberate murder, selling illegal drugs and terrorism. Percentage differential between these "most serious" crimes is negligible. Many respondents indicate long prison sentences or the death penalty for these specific offences. Overall, Blacks prefer imprisonment whilst Whites are shown to be more conservative and more amenable to other sentencing options. Gender differences in relation to seriousness and sentence scores are slight, but females and the older age group are noted to be more fearful of being victimised even though this fear is not supported by actual victimisation rates. The study justifies the motivation fot the inclusion of public opinion into sentencing policy by recording a 72 percent positive response to people involvement in the sentencing of offenders. / Hierdie navorsing verken respondente in Pretoria se menings en verwagtinge aangaande die erns van misdaad en vonnisoplegging in Suid·Afrika. Die uitgangspunt is dat die regsplegingstelsel veronderstel is om die waardes van die gemeenskap te reftekteer, gebaseer op die konsepte van morele eenstemmigheid en universaliteit, en argumenteer dat dit binne 'n demokrattese bestel slegs kan realiseer as alle inwoners inspraak daarin het. Die navorsing en rapportering gaan oor 'n opname van 400 eenhede in en om die stad Pretoria oor rassegrense heen. Die Britse misdaadopname het as vertrekpunt gedien vir die ontwikkeling van die opname. Die tesis bestaan uit sewe hoofstukke wat verdeel is in twee hoofkomponente. Die eerste komponent, hoofstukke een tot vier, debatteer sistematies die histories/teoretiese begrondings van die vonnisopleggingspraktyk (beide globaal en ten opsigte van Suld-Afrika), en identifiseer die inherente probleme waarmee kontemporere strafregsplegingstelsels gekonfronteer word. Die navorsing gebruik vonnisopleggingsliteratuur om 'n in-diepte beoordeling te maak aan teoretiese paradigma om die sukses en mislukking van die verskillende vonnisopleggingaopsies te evalueer. Die tweede komponent, hoofstukke vyf tot sewe, behels die navorsing in Pretoria in vergelyking met verskeie ander buitelandse navorsingsondersoeke en bereik 'n hoogtepunt deur 'n Suid-Afrikaanse vonnisopleggingsgids (ernsindeks) voor te hou, gebaseer op die navorsingsbevindings. Die navorsingsbevindings identlfiseer respondente van Pretoria as strafgeorienteerd. Respondente beskou verkragting en bestuur van 'n motor terwyl die persoon se alkoholbloedinhoud oor die wettige perk is en die dood van 'n onskuldige slagoffer veroorsaak, as die ernstigste misdade. Dit word gevolg deur opsetlike moord, die handel in onwettige dwelmmiddels en terrorisme. Persentasie afwykings tussen die "ernstige" misdade is onbeduidend. Menige respondente is van mening dat lang termyne van gevangenisstraf of die doodsvonnis vir hierdie misdade toepaslik is. Oorhoofs gesien, verkies Swartmense gevangesetting, terwyl blankes meer konserwatief maar ook meer ontvanklik blyk te wees met betrekking tot ander vonnisopsies. Genderverskille in verhouding tot die erns- en die vonnistellings is gering, maar vroue en die ouer ouderdomsgroepe vertoon groter vrees vir viktimisasie, alhoewel hierdie vrees nie ondersteun word deur werklike viktimisasieratio's nie. Hierdie navorsing onderskryf die motivering vir die oorweging van die gemeenskapsmening in formulering van vonnisopleggingsbeleid met die resultaat dat 72 persent respondente gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid in die vonnisoplgeging voorstaan. ' / Criminology and Security Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminology)

This dissertation analyses, in a comparative perspective collective agreements entered into in Belgium and in South Africa in the private sector. It is divided into three parts: Belgian law, South African law and a comparative perspective. Each part adopts the same format: it comprises a historical survey, a description of the parties to collective agreements, the forums in which collective bargaining takes place and an analysis of collective agreements, focusing on the nature of their binding force. Because Belgian law prohibits agency shop and closed shop agreements, on the basis of the freedom of association, no reference has been made to these agreements, even though they are permitted in South Africa and are regarded as collective agreements. This dissertation does not deal with collective agreements entered into to regulate terms and conditions of employment in the public sector as state employees in Belgium are excluded from the scope of labour law and have their employment relationship governed by administrative law / Law / LL.M.