Magister Legum - LLM

L’objet de notre recherche est de définir la politique du Saint-Siège face à la « Question de Palestine », durant la période qui va de la Déclaration Balfour (1917) à la création de l’État d’Israël (1948). À ce moment précis de l’Histoire où les Britanniques s’apprêtent à recevoir de la Société des Nations un mandat plaçant la Palestine sous leur tutelle, la « renaissance » d’Israël pose à l’Église catholique un double problème. Sur le plan politique, les pressions des diplomaties arabes et de la Congrégation pour l’Église orientale empêchent toute ouverture vers la création d’un État hébreu, le Vatican redoutant que les chrétiens arabes n’en paient le prix. Sur le plan théologique, le retour du peuple juif sur la Terre de la promesse pose à l’Église une question inédite. Cette restauration temporelle ne démontre-t-elle pas en effet que l’Alliance entre Dieu et le peuple d’Israël reste valide ? Et si Israël demeure le peuple élu, quelle est la raison d’être de l’Église ? Si le christianisme est par essence universel, il n’est pas pour autant dissocié de l’Histoire, et notamment de celle du peuple d’Israël « dont le Christ est issu selon la chair » (Rm 9, 3-5). Il s’agit donc de comprendre le particulier enchevêtrement du temporel et du spirituel dans cette région tourmentée du monde qu’est le Proche-Orient. / The object of this research is to define the policy of the Holy See faced with the “Palestinian Question” during the period dating from the Balfour Declaration (1917) to the creation of the State of Israel (1948). At the precise moment in history when the British received a mandate from the League of Nations placing Palestine under their tutelage, the “rebirth” of Israel posed a dual problem for the Catholic Church. On the political front, the pressures imposed by Arab diplomats and the powerful voice of the Congregation of Eastern Churches prevented any talk of creating a Jewish state, the Vatican's stance being that Christian Arabs should not pay the price for this. On the theological front, the return of the Jewish people to the Promised Land posed a new question for the Church. Did not this return prove that the relationship between God and the people of Israel was still valid ? If Israel remained the chosen people what would be the justification for the Church? If Christianity is essentially universal this does not disassociate it from its history, especially that of the people of Israel "of whom as concerning the flesh Christ came " (Rm 9: 3-5) It is therefore important to understand the particular overlap of politics and religion in this troubled region of the world which is the Middle East.

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The aim of this study is to evaluate the United Nations (UN) role in the resolution, management and termination of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with specific reference to the UN Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC). The aim emanates from the basic research question: To what extent did the deployment of MONUC contribute to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC and create conditions conducive for the holding of democratic elections? The research problem generated four subsidiary questions: Was the intention of the drafters of the Lusaka Agreement for the UN converted into a viable peacekeeping mission, especially in the early phases of the mission? Did MONUC receive adequate resources to fulfil its task, commensurate with the size and complexity of the operational theatre and its mandate? Why was a development such as the deployment of Interim Emergency Multi National Force (IEMF) in Ituri (2003) necessary, given the fact that MONUC was deployed? Were the expectations regarding MONUC involvement in the disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration, resettlement and repatriation (DDRRR) programme and the domestic disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration (DDR) programme realistic? Therefore four sub-problems were addressed, namely the issue of the mission mandate; the resourcing of the mission relative to the mandate and the operational theatre; the external augmentation of the mission; and the MONUC role in DDRRR and DDR. Following a definition of the concept internal conflict and a discussion of the factors contributing to internal conflict, the theory of peacekeeping was described to determine a framework for the evaluation of the UN peace mission in the DRC, based on the recommendations of the 2000 Brahimi Report. Emphasis was placed on the mandate, force levels and composition, and operational capability. A historic overview contextualised the complex conflict situation in the DRC that the UN was required to help ameliorate. MONUC made a contribution to the termination of internal conflict in the DRC by managing the conflict in a fashion that permitted democratic elections to be held. This was achieved despite the fact that the actual deployment of MONUC (in terms of its functioning, especially regarding DDRRR) did not meet the requirements for a UN force as envisaged by the signatories of the 1999 Lusaka Agreement. The expectations of the signatories regarding DDRRR were not realistic, but the UN response in terms of the mandate and allocation of resources also fell far below what was required to establish a credible UN peace mission. The graduated approach ensured a reactive MONUC posture in the field, but the reticence to provide adequate resources in response to political and operational developments necessitated the external augmentation of the mission on two occasions. While this development brought a new facet of ‘co-deployment’ in UN peacekeeping operations to he fore, it also served to highlight the MONUC deficiencies in terms of its ‘responsibility to protect’ civilians under threat of violence. MONUC was mandated from its inception to discharge this responsibility, without receiving the necessary resources to enable the conduct of operations to protect civilians. This inability resulted in the mission lacking credibility amongst the population of the DRC. Copyright / Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Political Sciences / MSS / Unrestricted

« La représentation et l’assistance du plaideur en justice » constitue un sujet classique, mais plus que jamais contemporain. Face à la crise de la justice civile, mais aussi devant son évolution rapide, les choix de politique législative actuels font preuve d’une volonté de renforcer la représentation obligatoire par avocat. Bien que la représentation et l’assistance du plaideur en justice soient utilisées quotidiennement, leur définition et leur finalité en procédure civile restent obscures. Qu’est-ce que « la représentation et l’assistance du plaideur en justice » ? À quoi sert « la représentation et l’assistance du plaideur en justice » ? Notre étude tend à la résolution de ce double problème. À cette fin, nous examinons la nature et la fonction de la représentation et de l’assistance du plaideur en justice. Quant à leur nature, il convient d’analyser leurs composantes conventionnelle et institutionnelle comportant leurs réalités intérieures et extérieures qui les définissent en droit. Quant à leur fonction, il faut approfondir leurs finalités d’intérêt privé et d’intérêt général visant respectivement la protection des droits fondamentaux du plaideur et la bonne administration de la justice. Cette étude permet d’apporter une définition de la représentation et de l’assistance du plaideur en justice, de leur restituer toute leur valeur en procédure civile au regard de leur finalité, de fournir des réponses aux problématiques rencontrées dans la pratique juridictionnelle et d’enrichir la réflexion sur l’avenir de la procédure civile. Elle aboutit à des propositions sur une réforme de la procédure civile fondée sur la représentation à l’instance par avocat. / "Legal representation and legal assistance of litigant" is a classic topic, more than ever contemporary, though. In front of civil justice crisis and its rapid evolution, current legislative choices show a willingness to strenghten legal representation by lawyer. Despite the use of legal representation and legal assistance of litigant on a daily basis, their definition and finality remain obscure. What is "legal representation and legal assistance of litigant" ? Which is the purpose of "legal representation and legal assistance of litigant" ? This study tends to solve this double question by examining the nature and the function of legal representation and legal assistance of litigant. As for their nature, it is their conventional and institutional components including their internal and external realities that contibute to their legal definition, that must be analysed. As for their function, it is necessary to delve into their private and general interest aims that respectively tend to protect the fundamental rights of the litigant and the proper administration of justice. This study permits a definition of legal representation and legal assistance of litigant, restores their value in civil procedure with regard to their purpose, provides answers to the judicial practice problems and permits to enrich the reflection on civil procedure’s futur. It leads to proposals for a reform of the civil procedure based on legal representation by lawyer.

Influenza is a preventable infectious disease, against which vaccination is the primary means of protection. Health care workers (HCW) are among the most vulnerable to the illness and are likely to be sources of infection transmission while caring for patients. Circumstantial evidence suggests higher rates of vaccination coverage by HCW will coincide with a lower incidence of influenza transmission, yet a gap remains in the literature regarding governing health agencies' (i.e., licensing boards, medical and nursing associations) influence on the influenza vaccination practices of their constituents. Moreover, discrepancies exist between governing health agencies' and the National Vaccine Advisory Committee's recommendations on mandatory influenza vaccination for HCW. The main purpose of this quantitative cross-sectional study was to explore the relationship between influenza vaccination uptake by HCW and guidance from governing health agencies to vaccinate. The health belief model and social cognitive theory were used to identify the most influential determinant for HCW to vaccinate against influenza. The sample consisted of 388 HCW who provided direct patient care at the same hospital. Data were analyzed using Fisher's exact test. Study findings suggest that a workplace mandate for influenza vaccination has an influence on HCW uptake of the vaccine and that governing agencies' lack of uniformity on the matter has minimal impact on their constituents' beliefs and behavior. It is recommended that a universal policy be adopted for health agencies' implementation of an influenza vaccine mandate, which could lead to positive social change by supporting preventive self-care practices, minimizing spread of the disease to workers and patients, and maintaining workplace productivity.

There is a large part of the population today whose perception of Swedish political parties assumes a pronounced distrust. Often, this mistrust is linked to whether politicians act on the election promises made during the election campaigns. This is a view that opposition parties often encourage through negative criticism during election campaigns and media platforms. The paradox that arises then becomes markedly confusing because research actually shows that parties almost fulfill most of the election promises made.   Furthermore, a society characterized by widespread distrust of political activity risks gradually undermining the representative democracy system, which may lead to diminished democratic legitimacy. In the field of research, therefore, there is often talk of making knowledge regarding election promises more accessible to voters, who then may examine political activity more effectively themselves. The study has analyzed the Alliance's and the Social Democrats' election promise fulfillment during the mandate periods 2006-2010 and 2014-2018, through qualitative analysis of the election manifesto and data collection from the Riksdag's website. The aim was to investigate and compare which of these party organizations best achieved good representation during the alternative government periods through clear method choices that could present data in an easily accessible way.   The study arrives at a result that shows a balancing election promise fulfillment between the Alliance and the Social Democrats, with a small statistical advantage for the Alliance. It also shows how the Alliance has achieved a slightly better representation by succeeding in fulfilling more election promises in key policy areas that the party organization has given higher priority to during the election campaigns and election manifestos.

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Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur första linjechefer upplever sina förutsättningar att leda och fördela arbetet i offentlig organisation samt hur de upplever sitt stöd från HR. Vi såg ett gap kring det valda syftet och ville undersöka det vidare. Studien har genomförts med en kvalitativ metod där intervjuer har genomförts med sju första linjechefer. Organisationen är stor och belägen i Mellansverige. Efter att alla intervjuer genomförts sammanställdes och analyserades resultaten i förhållande till tidigare forskning och annan litteratur, för att se om den insamlade empirin överensstämde med det teoretiska ramverket. Det framkommer varierande svar från första linjecheferna, vissa upplever att de har goda förutsättningar i sin roll medan andra inte upplever det. Vid frågan om förväntningar på HR svarar vissa att de upplever bristande stöd och tycker att det finns en viss kompetensbrist, medan andra är nöjda med sitt stöd från HR och får svar snabbt med bra återkoppling. Det framgår även att relationen mellan HR och linjecheferna är betydelsefull, men att det finns önskan om ett mer närvarande HR stöd. I det stora hela upplever vi att första linjecheferna är generellt nöjda med deras arbetssituation idag, men att det finns förslag på förbättringar. / The purpose of this study is to investigate how first-line managers perceive their conditions to lead and distribute work in a public organization and how they perceive their support from HR. We saw a gap around the chosen purpose and wanted to investigate it further. The study was conducted using a qualitative method where interviews was carried out with seven first-line managers. The organization is large and located in central Sweden. After all interviews were completed, the results were compiled and analyzed in relation to previous research and other literature, to see if the collected empiricism was consistent with the theoretical framework. There are varying answers from the first-line managers, some feel that they have good conditions in their role, while others do not. When they were asked about expectations from HR, some responded that they experienced a lack of support and think there is a certain lack of competence, while others were satisfied with their support from HR and received answers quickly with good feedback. It also appears that the relationship between HR and the line managers is important, but there is a desire for more present HR support. Overall, we feel that the first-line managers are generally satisfied with their work situation today, but that there are suggestions for improvements.

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