L’étude menée ici prétend clarifier certains problèmes-clés pour la compréhension des processus actuels qui affectent l'aménagement spatial de la ville de Gaza, et qui ont remodelé la ville depuis l’époque du Mandat britannique jusqu'à la fin de 2011, aujourd’hui conditionné par la situation politique et géographique des Territoires Palestiniens Occupés.La ville de Gaza est le centre économique et administratif de la Bande de Gaza. Son développement urbain relève de cinq différentes administrations qui gèrent la ville selon des stratégies différentes. L’Empire ottoman n’a pas été inclus dans larecherche parce qu’il aurait nécessité une étude à lui tout seule. Une approche diachronique n’aurait pas permis une analyse du développement urbain de la ville. Le tissu urbain, surtout dans le centre historique est, pourrait-on dire, de nature organique, sans grille de distribution et où rues et cul-de-sac résultent d’une parcellisation progressive. Dans de nombreux blocks la trame ancienne et la réimplantation moderne se superposent avec une densité exceptionnelled’occupation des sols. Le mot block relève du cadastre et n’a pas de signification morphologique : pour cette raison, il sera toujours en italiques.La thèse analyse la transformation de la ville à travers les permis de construire, et présente le contexte historique de la ville, de la fin de période ottomane à la transition avec le Mandat Britannique. La création de la Bande de Gaza aconditionné le développement urbain de la ville jusqu’à nos jours. L’étude a été arrêtée à la fin de 2011. L’étude aboutie est le fruit d’un va-et-vient entre les données qualitatives, issues d’entretiens plus ou moins fiables, les données empiriques des permis de construire, les plans et la documentation photographique / The research project attempts to elucidate certain key issues in the understanding of process affecting urban planning of the city of Gaza and that have shaped its image since the days of the British Mandate rule until today, 2011, in the light ofthe particular political and geographic situation that condition life in the occupied Palestinian territories.Gaza city is the economic and administrative centre of the Gaza Strip. Its present urban situation has as its basis the five different administrations that have influenced the city through different strategies. We have not been so ambitious asto deal with the Ottoman Empire, as it would have needed a full research on its own. A diachronic approach would not have been useful for the analysis of the city. Its urban fabric, in particular in the old core is « organic » with no regular gridpattern and many dead-end streets that are the result of progressive haphazard parcelling. In many of its blocks the old fabric and the modern are superimposed with intense land-use density. The word block is used in the cadastral sense andnot in its morphological meaning: for this reasons it is always written in italics.The text analyses the transformation of the city through its building permits, presenting as contextual support the historical growth of the city from the end of the Ottoman rule to the transition to the British Mandate, to the creation of the Gaza Strip that has conditioned the next 60 years of planning in the city. The data utilised for the research stops at the end of 2011 although there are echoes of 2012 events, since the researcher is often in Gaza and is permeated by the reality of the city. The study is the product of a movement between qualitative data from the interviews, the empirical data of the building permits, maps and photographic documentation

L’apparition de nouveaux emplois et de nouvelles fonctions au sein de l’entreprise, l’existence quasi exclusivede hauts niveaux de qualifications dans certains secteurs, la gestion « en réseau » dans les groupes de tailleimportante ont rendu inadaptée la notion traditionnelle de cadre, mais sans pour autant la rénover en profondeurou lui en substituer une nouvelle, mieux adaptée.En droit du travail, le législateur qui intervient pour mettre en place des dispositifs qui leur sont spécifiques,oublie l’essentiel, celui de définir de manière cohérente la catégorie des cadres, en conséquence on assisteaujourd’hui à la construction d’un édifice pour le moins instable. Ainsi, il n’existe en droit du travail aucun textepermettant de définir précisément ceux qui relèvent de la catégorie des cadres.On constate donc qu’il n’est pas aisé d’appréhender la catégorie des cadres. Un examen des textes, notammentdes textes portant sur la durée du travail permet cependant de constater une réelle bipolarité des cadres. Lescadres non-dirigeants qui, dans certaines circonstances, bénéficient du même régime que les salariés, et àl’opposé, les cadres dirigeants qui, selon les hypothèses, sont ou non traités comme des salariés.A partir de la distinction cadre-dirigeant et cadre non-dirigeant, la présente étude tend à rechercher les élémentscaractéristiques de la notion de cadre mais aussi à rechercher les éléments constitutifs du régime des cadres. / Issue which is to give a comprehensive definition of the “executive” category, thus today one witnesses thecreation of an unstable structure. Also, in labour law no text allows for the identification of those whospecifically fall within the category of “executives”.It appears that it is not simple to apprehend the « executives » category. A study of the legal texts, particularlythose regarding working time, shows real bipolarity within this category. Indeed, on the one hand it appears thatsome non-executives, in certain circumstances, benefit from the same legal framework as employees, and on theother hand, executives, depending on the case, are, or are not, treated like employees.The distinction between executives and non-executives having been made, it becomes the basis of the presentstudy that aims to investigate the characteristics of the notion of executive, and the components of the specificlegal framework dedicated to executives.

This study investigates resistance against female local government politicians in Sri Lanka during their first year and a half as members of local government councils, as a result of the 25 % gender quota introduced in 2018. Further, the study investigates these newly elected female politicians’ perceived ability to influence local government politics; experienced substantive representation. Through a minor field study, in-depth interviews were conducted to examine forms of resistance and perceived political influence of these newly appointed women. Several types of resistance were found and divided into three categories; Patronizing Behavior from Male Politicians; the Dispute Between Elected and Appointed Women; Public Distrust. Some evidence of the mandate effect and the label effect were detected, further hampering substantive representation. The study concludes that despite a significant increase in descriptive representation, substantive representation was not necessarily experienced by the interview subjects. Further studies are encouraged to deepen the understanding of the resistance towards appointed female politicians in Sri Lanka, and moreover the problematic effects of the implementation of gender quotas in highly unequal states.

The diploma thesis deals with deployment of German army within ISAF strategy in Afghanistan. The deployment of military forces is one of the most discussed queries in German politics and among German public. The thesis analyses the development in Afghanistan from 2001 to September 2013. The thesis is divided into three parts. Firstly, I define the theory of role and the concept of civil power, which is one of approaches for analysis of foreign policy. I define some criteria and according to them I examine, if Germany behaves in Afghanistan as civil power, for which is it considered. In the following part I deal with the development in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2009. I analyse the beginning of OEF and ISAF operations, mandate's extensions, the reasons for deployment in Afghanistan and the development of the security situation in country. The main part of this thesis is the deployment of German army within new ISAF strategy in Afghanistan, which was declared by American president Barack Obama in 2009. The thesis focuses on the attitude of Germany to the most important events in this period, for example to the declaration of new ISAF strategy, to international conference on Afghanistan in London, to transition to afghan lead, to the leaving of the international troops and to support after the year...

There was a long history of Jim Crow laws in the State of Georgia, which permeated in social, educational, and economical ways that prohibited African American business owners from competing for the state contracts. In 1982, there was a shift in state policy that implemented an outreach programs to seek out African American businesses and ensure that those interested businesses were enrolled as registered vendors for procurement. Yet little is known about the success of those outreach efforts over the last 35 years. Using Swearing and Plank's work on survival of minority business programs as a conceptual framework, this study evaluated (a) the association between the registration status (registered, non-registered, unknown) with the Georgia Minority Business Enterprise Program (GMBE Program) and gender, and (b) descriptive information about the outreach efforts of the MBE Program. Data were collected from 108 randomly selected African American small business owners in the State of Georgia through an online survey. A chi-square test revealed a significant association (p = .08) between gender and enrollment of registered vendors, with women more likely to register as vendors than were men. Descriptive data also revealed that nearly half (48% percent) of respondents had not registered with the MBE Program and were not aware of the educational and economic opportunities offered through the program. Contracts were awarded 4 times more frequently to vendors registered with the MBE Program as compared to businesses not registered. The positive social change implications of this study include recommendation to the state of the Georgia MBE Program to collaborate on outreach efforts to African American business owners to encourage economic development in minority communities and minorities-owned businesses.

Mellanchefens roll inom organisationer är komplex. Som mellanchef förväntas du vara den som ska kontrollera den operativa verksamheten, samtidigt som du blir kontrollerad av toppcheferna. Inom managementlitteraturen används begreppet empowerment för att beskriva en individs inflytande inom en organisation. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka mellanchefens empowerment i relation till toppchefen. För att besvara frågeställningen har vi använt oss av en kvalitativ ansats. Intervjuer har genomförts med fyra mellanchefer samt fem toppchefer inom en organisation för att utröna mellanchefens empowerment. Studien visar att mellancheferna innehar ett illusoriskt empowerment då de har en låg grad av strukturellt empowerment trots en hög grad av psykologiskt empowerment. / The middle manager's role within organizations is complex. As a middle manager, you are expected to be the one to control the operational activities, at the same time as you are controlled by the top managers. In the management literature, the term empowerment is used to describe an individual's influence within an organization. This study aims to examine the middle manager's empowerment in relation to the top manager. To answer the question, we have used a qualitative approach. Interviews were conducted with four middle managers and five top managers within an organization to ascertain the middle manager's empowerment. The study showed that middle managers have an illusory empowerment as they have a low degree of structural empowerment despite a high degree of psychological empowerment.

This dissertation continues the tradition of identifying the unintended consequences of the US health insurance system. Its main contribution is to estimate the size of the distortions caused by the employer-based system and regulations intended to fix it, while using methods that are more novel and appropriate than those of previous work. Chapter 1 examines the effect of state-level health insurance mandates, which are regulations intended to expand access to health insurance. It finds that these regulations have the unintended consequence of increasing insurance premiums, and that these regulations have been responsible for 9-23% of premium increases since 1996. The main contribution of the chapter is that its results are more general than previous work, since it considers many more years of data, and it studies the employer-based plans that cover most Americans rather than the much less common individual plans. Whereas Chapter 1 estimates the effect of the average mandate on premiums, Chapter 2 focuses on a specific mandate, one that requires insurers to cover prostate cancer screenings. The focus on a single mandate allows a broader and more careful analysis that demonstrates how health policies spill over to affect the labor market. I find that the mandate has a significant negative effect on the labor market outcomes of the very group it was intended to help. The mandate expands the treatments health insurance covers for men over age 50, but by doing so it makes them more expensive to insure and employ. Employers respond to this added expense by lowering wages and hiring fewer men over age 50. According to the theoretical model put forward in the chapter, this suggests the mandate reduces total welfare. Chapter 3 shows that the employer-based health insurance system has deterred entrepreneurship. It takes advantage of the natural experiment provided by the Affordable Care Act's dependent coverage mandate, which de-linked insurance from employment for many 19-25 year olds. Difference-in-difference estimates show that the mandate increased self-employment among the treated group by 13-24%. Instrumental variables estimates show that those who actually received parental health insurance as a result of the mandate were drastically more likely to start their own business. This suggest that concerns over health insurance are a major barrier to entrepreneurship in the United States. / Economics

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Norberto Carbone de Carvalho.pdf: 1111622 bytes, checksum: 579a2500023600cdd506783797783afe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-09 / This thesis makes an analysis of the democracy practiced by political parties in Brazil, especially regarding their evolution from the 1988‟s Constitution. The study begins covering the different kinds of state‟s power organization, justifying the origin of democracy. After that, it discusses the beginning of representative government and the reasons for the birth of representative democracy and the democracy through political parties. As a result, this dissertation studies the modern political parties, especially its history, role and legal treatment, culminating with a brief historical analysis of those associations in Brazil. Finally, the work makes a thorough assessment of democracy through political parties in Brazil‟s current political framework. There are, at least, three assumptions that must be observed for the model‟s success: only political parties must present candidates; there must be political party loyalty; and we should have intra-party democracy. It took so long before political parties detain the exclusive prerogative of present candidates, that helped consolidate in Brazilians‟ popular culture the so called personal vote , where voters does not care about political parties, following charismatic leaders, regardless of their political party link. For a long time, candidates have become true masters of their term, which allows them to migrate from one political party to another, without any consequences, disturbing the democracy through political parties. Therefore, the absence of intra-party democracy has contributed to a paradox: the existence of an oligarchy inside the Brazilian‟s democracy. The political party leaders, perpetuated in power, impose, top-down, his favorite names to internal and external elections, not allowing sufficient space for debates, distorting the institution of political representation. The Tribunal Superior Eleitoral Act nº 22.610/2007, which governs the procedure of term loss due to disloyalty to a political party, represented a significant step forward to insure democracy through political parties; however, a number of small issues still wait for resolution, which delays the full implementation of the political party loyalty in Brazil. The intra-party democracy, on the other hand, must be thoroughly regulated by the law. Only after that, we will be able to discuss, with high probability of effectiveness, one policy reform that has as its objective reduce any existent gap between the voter‟s will and the elected one. / A presente dissertação faz uma análise da democracia pelos partidos praticada no Brasil, especialmente quanto à evolução da figura da agremiação partidária a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. O estudo inicia seu caminho abordando o surgimento e as diferentes maneiras de organização e funcionamento do poder estatal, justificando a explanação sobre a concepção e a origem da democracia. Ato contínuo, trata do surgimento do governo representativo e do respectivo modelo de exercício do poder político, além das razões do nascimento da democracia representativa e das justificativas para a adoção de uma democracia pelos partidos. Na sequência, a dissertação estuda os partidos políticos modernos, especialmente sua trajetória, função e tratamento legal, culminado com a análise de um breve histórico das agremiações no Brasil. Por fim, o trabalho efetua uma avaliação minuciosa da democracia pelos partidos no atual quadro político pátrio, examinando, à luz da realidade, ao menos três pressupostos que devem ser observados para o sucesso do modelo: a reserva do monopólio das candidaturas aos partidos políticos, a fidelidade partidária e a democracia intrapartidária. Conclui-se que os atrasos na adoção do monopólio das candidaturas e da fidelidade partidária contribuíram para consolidar, na cultura popular brasileira, o modelo de atribuição do voto na figura pessoal do candidato, fomentado, também, pela tradição do mandato representativo. Durante muito tempo, os candidatos tornaram-se verdadeiros donos dos mandatos, podendo migrar de uma agremiação a outra sem qualquer consequência, desnaturando o instituto da democracia pelos partidos. Já a ausência de democracia intrapartidária contribuiu para um paradoxo: fomentou a existência de uma oligarquia dentro de uma democracia, já que, no seio dos partidos políticos, os dirigentes partidários, perpetuados no poder, impõem, de cima para baixo, nomes de sua preferência aos cargos internos e eletivos, não permitindo que haja espaço para questionamentos, viciando a vontade popular e desvirtuando o instituto da representação política. A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral n° 22.610/2007, que disciplinou o processo de perda de cargo eletivo nos casos de infidelidade partidária, representou um avanço significativo para a democracia pelos partidos, porém, questões que decorrem da Resolução ainda estão sendo solucionadas, o que contribui para a demora na plena efetivação da fidelidade partidária. Quanto à democracia intrapartidária, torna-se vital a edição de normas que tenham como escopo assegurar o funcionamento democrático dos partidos, para que a vontade popular, quando do exercício do voto, não esteja maculada na origem. Dessa forma, presentes tais sustentáculos, teremos condições de discutir, com alta probabilidade de eficácia, uma reforma política que tenha por intuito diminuir eventual distância existente entre a vontade do eleitor e a do eleito.

Missio Dei is a phrase used to describe the mission of God, as revealed in Scripture. One of the key verses to understanding the ultimate goal of God’s mission is the vision of heaven given to the Apostle John in the Book of Revelation, “After this I looked and there before me was a great multitude that no one could count, from every nation, tribe, people, and language, standing before the throne and before the Lamb…” (Rev 7:9). God’s mission is to have for Himself a special redeemed people from every ‘People Group’ on earth. In Trinitarian Missio Dei, God is a ‘sending’ God, who sent Himself in pursuit of lost mankind; who sent His Son, Jesus to bear the sins of a lost world upon His body on the Cross; and who sent the Holy Spirit to instruct and empower the Church, which is commissioned and sent forth to carry on His mission of having a people from among all ‘Peoples’ of the earth. The shift in the center of gravity of world Christianity from the Global North to the Global South can be seen as God’s divine orchestration in raising up a mighty army, who will take the Gospel to the remaining unreached, unengaged ‘Peoples’. The Chinese house church networks have sensed God’s calling to take the Gospel ‘back to Jerusalem’ crossing the Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim worlds, along the ancient eastern Silk Routes. As part of this Global South migration, Chinese are already living in over 140 countries around the world, where many of these unreached ‘People Groups’ are located. We see the Nestorian ‘merchant missionaries’ as a model for Chinese migrants to fulfill God’s calling to complete the ‘Great Commission’ mandate. / PhD (Missiology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The purpose of this study was to appraise the meaning and challenges of the principal’s school governance role in the Gert Sibande Region of the Mpumalanga Province. This was premised on the inherent challenges of the principal’s role as prescribed in the South African Schools Act, which locates the principal in the school governing body (SGB) as a member who promotes the best interests of the school; as well as an ex officio member who represents and promotes the interests of the employer – the Department of Education. It was found, through the literature review, that the challenges of the principal’s school governance role were largely symptoms of different emphases on the various functions of the SGB as listed in the South African Schools Act. As such, the concept of school governance was contextualised into an understanding of the essence of the school governance mandate as concerned with three main roles of the SGB, namely, providing the school with a strategic direction, the SGB being critical friend to the school and holding the school to account. Through qualitative interviews of purposely selected school principals, educator-governors and parent-governors, it was found that the principal’s role was influenced by, among others, challenges pertaining to the principals’ ex officio role, parent governors’ low education level, parent governors perceptions about being in the SGB, the perceptions about the principals’ role in the SGB by other members and miscellaneous challenges pertaining to perceptions and structural factors about the school governance role. This was found to be a result of the listed nature of the Schools Act’s governance roles and responsibilities and pointed to the need for giving context to them through an approach that focuses on the meaning and implications of the school governance mandate. For that reason, this study proposes a Three-step Approach to school governance. The Three step-Approach to school governance takes the school governance mandate as a point of departure and models the school governance process from the intention to establish SGBs through elections of a new and incoming SGB while the outgoing SGB is in the final stages of its term of office; to training of SGB members over stages that focus on the relevant content and components of school governors; and culminates into the start of the process of functioning of the incoming SGB. The emphasis of this approach is on fostering a clear understanding of the school governance mandate; how it contextualises the listed functions in the Schools Act; and the need for the SGB to start functioning with members already trained and in full understanding of their roles as they relate to the school governance mandate of promoting the best interests of the schools through the provision of quality education for all learners at the school. / PhD (Education Management)--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2015.