Univ., Diss.--München, 2001.

Da posição de vanguarda intelectual orientalista se eximiram, em parte, aqueles intelectuais na modernidade ocidental que de fato ficaram profundamente envolvidos com a filosofia oriental (em especial, indiana), inegavelmente com maior ênfase entre os alemães. Tal olhar filosófico manteve-se quase que absolutamente à parte das justificativas exploratórias imperialistas, tão atraentes às mentes inglesas e francesas, os orientalistas de Said, e tão exploradas pelos ditames literários e orientalistas apresentados por ele. Assim sendo, confirmamos e discordamos ao mesmo tempo do autor de Orientalismo em um ponto fundamental: a Alemanha possui orientalismos opostos. Um, calcado especificamente nos vasos comunicantes de ingleses e franceses, que confirma a tese do Said; outro, sob o olhar particular de Nietzsche e Weber, dentre outros, contrapõe-se ao orientalismo imperialista. Diante desta premissa, tratamos do pioneirismo de nações movidas pela estratégia de conhecer para invadir ou decifrar para dominar, eis a Inglaterra e a França, e em seguida buscamos a ocorrência de um entendimento intelectual frutífero e amplo, no tocante ao contato ou transmissão de ideias ocorridas no século XIX e início do XX, entre os assim chamados Oriente indiano e o Ocidente alemão. / Those intellectuals who, in Western modernity, were able to escape from the Orientalist intellectual vanguard position are the ones that were actually profoundly involved with Eastern philosophy (specially the Indian one), and undoubtedly that was emphasized among the Germans. . This philosophical apprehension remained almost entirely apart from the exploratory imperialist justifications, so attractive to the English and French minds, to Saids orientalists, and so exploited by the literary and Orientalist determinations indicated by him. Therefore, we confirm and disagree simultaneously with the author of Orientalism when it comes to a fundamental point: Germany has contrasting Orientalisms one, rooted specifically on the communicating veins from the English and the French, which confirms Saids thesis; the other, under the gaze of Nietzsche and Weber, among others, opposes to the imperialist Orientalism. From this premise, we have treated the pioneerism of nations moved by the strategy to know in order to invade or codify to dominate: that is England and France. Then, we searched for the occurrence of a fruitful and broad intellectual understanding in terms of the contact and transmission of ideas that took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, among the so-called Indian East and Western Germany.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-15T12:41:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 andreabernardesdetassisribeiro.pdf: 2577754 bytes, checksum: 0dd4122c2eb09b8a8c6ebd6b3041aca0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T15:54:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 andreabernardesdetassisribeiro.pdf: 2577754 bytes, checksum: 0dd4122c2eb09b8a8c6ebd6b3041aca0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T15:54:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 andreabernardesdetassisribeiro.pdf: 2577754 bytes, checksum: 0dd4122c2eb09b8a8c6ebd6b3041aca0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-15 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / De modo a melhor avaliar o conceito weberiano de “povo pária”, recorre-se, ao longo desta dissertação, à seleção e análise de um conjunto de “leis”, a que se denomina Pentateuco, que foram criadas, a princípio, pelos deutronomistas, bem como a uma caracterização geral do espaço geo-político da Palestina/Canaã e dos diferentes grupos que, segundo diversos estudiosos, em suas análises, provavelmente contribuíram para constituir o bíblico “povo de Israel”. Com base nesses pressupostos teóricos, busca-se também avaliar o processo de codificação do Antigo Testamento e, dessa forma, melhor compreender como e porque as leis de cunho segregacionistas expostas nas narrativas veterotestamentárias propunham constituir barreiras que viessem a separar os judeus dos povos vizinhos com o objetivo de garantir a vitalidade da religião do “povo de Israel” em uma época caracterizada por turbulências sociopolíticas e grandes mudanças, como as que foram vivenciadas no pré-exílio, no exílio babilônico e no retorno à terra prometida (pós-exílio). / In order to better evaluate the weberian concept of "Pariah People", is used throughout this dissertation, the selection and analysis of a set of "Laws", called Pentateuch, which were created in the first place, by Deuteronomist’s, as well as a general characterization of the geopolitical area of Palestine/Canaan and the various groups that, according to several scholars, in their analysis, probably contributed to constitute the biblical "People of Israel". Based on these theoretical assumptions that also assess the codification process of the Old Testament and thus better understand how and why the laws of segregationist slant exposed in veterotestament narratives proposed to constitue barriers that would separate the Jews from neighboring peoples with the aim of ensuring the vitality of religion of "People of Israel" in an era characterized by socio-political turbulence and major changes, such as those experienced in the pre-exilic, in Babylonian exilic and return to the Promised Land (afterexilic).

Cette étude affirme que la grande majorité des musulmans européens promeut une laïcité harmonieuse, laquelle ne cherche pas à hiérarchiser les croyances religieuses et séculières dans les sociétés et les états démocratiques. cette étude interroge ce qui distingue les musulmans exprimant un soutien à une laïcité harmonieuse de leurs homologues européens, musulmans et non musulmans qui ne s’y reconnaissent pas. L’hypothèse principale avancée dans cette étude pose que les musulmans européens soutenant la laïcité harmonieuse ont connu un processus de transformation religieuse au cours duquel l’islam a été « ethnicisé » et conceptualisé devenant une source de valeurs pluralistes démocratiques largement partagées dans la société. cette étude définit cette constellation plurielle des valeurs socio religieuses comme étant l'éthique civile musulmane. Cet islam civil ethnicisé en plein essor permet d’expliquer l’approche particulière des musulmans quant à la laïcité harmonieuse. pour donner de la profondeur au cadre théorique ambitieux de notre étude et à l’hypothèse qui y est développée, nous sommes revenus à une analyse historique, l’hypothèse explorée étant, au final, validée par le travail de terrain quantitatif et qualitatif. Pour tester l’hypothèse selon laquelle un islam civil reformulé engendre un soutien des musulmans à une laïcité harmonieuse, cette étude a mené en France et aux Pays-Bas quatre-vingt-dix-sept entretiens avec des musulmans et a administré deux cents huit questionnaires avec des musulmans et des non musulmans. Ces pays constituent des cas d'étude intéressants dans une optique comparative. les preuves empiriques valident le cadre théorique et vérifient les relations entre adhésion à un islam civil reformulé et soutien à une laïcité harmonieuse. Ainsi, les résultats de cette étude montrent la pertinence de la méta théorie de la religion développée par weber ; ils révèlent son efficacité théorique et méthodologique pour explorer les relations entre religions éthiques et vie socio politique, en particulier pour analyser l’islam civil qui se développe actuellement en Europe et sa relation au concept de laïcité harmonieuse. / This study asserts that the vast majority of European Muslims endorse a concerted secularism, a concept pertaining to a non-hierarchic approach to religious and secular reason in democratic societies and states. This study asks what distinguishes these Muslims that show support for a concerted secularism from their European Muslim and non-Muslim counterparts that present different approaches to secularism. the primary hypothesis advanced in this study is that European Muslims that advocate concerted secularism have undergone a process of religious transformation in which Islam was ‘ethicized’ and conceptualized as a source for pluralistically fashioned familial and democratic values. This study refers to this pluralist constellation of social values as the Muslim civil ethic. This emerging ethicized civil Islam, it is argued, serves to explain Muslims’ distinct approach of concerted secularism. A scholarly review and historical analysis substantiates this study’s ambitious theoretical framework and ensuing working hypothesis, although the salience of the explored hypothesis is ultimately affirmed through the quantitative and qualitative fieldwork. to test the premise that a reformatted civil Islam engenders Muslims’ support for a concerted secularism, this study conducted 97 interviews with Muslims and 208 surveys with Muslims and non-Muslims in France and the Netherlands. These countries present compelling cases for a comparative research. the empirical evidence validates the theoretical framework and verifies the hypothesized relations between the reformatted civil Islam and the endorsement of concerted secularism. the findings of this study substantiate the germaneness and authority of weber’s meta-theory of religion and reveals its theoretical and methodological efficacy for general explorations into the relations between ethical religions and sociopolitical life, and in particular, the burgeoning civil Islam in present day Europe and its relation to the notion of concerted secularism.

This thesis explores how coach-athlete relationships are influenced within the organisational culture of a rowing club. Relational Cultural Theory and the work of Weber are used to examine how the concept of organisational culture informs understanding of coach and athlete relating. The study, covering a complete competitive season, involved an eleven month long ethnography of an elite rowing club in Great Britain. The findings demonstrate the visceral, enculturated and complex nature of coach-athlete relationships in elite sport. Relational disconnection occurred in the disenchanted organisational life, where intrinsic values were subordinated to a rational quest for efficiency, control and ultimately success, as well as traditional social ordering based on status and gender. Relationships were characterised by power over relating, distance and impersonal relations, caretaking rather than caring about, fragile trust by the athlete and trust through surveillance by the coach, where emotion was concealed and conflict avoided. However, enacting shared identities, the emotion involved in competing and the fact this was a voluntary organisation with competing values, provided an escape from simulacra of elite sport to allow for multi-value paradigm of interests. The opportunity for coaches and athletes to connect with each other based on their values and with emotion exposed their humanity and revealed the potential for relational mutuality and authenticity. The study challenges the valorised coaching and elite sport relationships and lifestyle. Implications for coaching include providing individuals with confidence to raise the issue of relationship, providing coaches and athletes with knowledge of connection and disconnection in relationship and the outcome on well-being. The need to develop a systemised approach to embedding growth-fostering relationships in the culture of high performance sport is highlighted.

Weber’s discussion of ethics in his famous lecture (and then essay) Politics as a Vocation (1919) clearly indicates that two possible ethical stances, the ethic of conviction and the ethic of responsibility, are rooted in ‘distinct and irreconcilably opposed principles’. Throughout Politics as a Vocation, it is the ethic of responsibility that appears to be endorsed by Weber as suited for political life. Yet, Weber concludes his essay by claiming that a combined ethic is ideal for a political vocation. This makes Weber’s position regarding the ideal ethical stance for a man who has a ‘true political calling’ appear contradictory: the ethics are opposites but somehow to be combined. Commentators have mostly concluded that, for Weber, the ethic of responsibility is the ideal ethic for politics. That appears further in accord with the fact that a key concern of the speech in its historical context was to warn political students of the dangers associated with an ethic of conviction. Weber, as a realist, was especially critical of a stance that disregarded the corrupted nature of the world, which the ethic of responsibility alone seems to accept. Politicians with single-minded convictions were responsible for Germany’s political stalemate, supporting the fact that the ethic of conviction should not be deemed acceptable in politics. And yet there is much this position neglects by opting for only one of the two ethics, by concluding that only the ethic of responsibility is appropriate for political vocation. My thesis offers something different; something I admit is ambitious. What I propose is the synthesis of the opposition, of finding a way to combine the two irreconcilably opposed ethics.

Weber’s discussion of ethics in his famous lecture (and then essay) Politics as a Vocation (1919) clearly indicates that two possible ethical stances, the ethic of conviction and the ethic of responsibility, are rooted in ‘distinct and irreconcilably opposed principles’. Throughout Politics as a Vocation, it is the ethic of responsibility that appears to be endorsed by Weber as suited for political life. Yet, Weber concludes his essay by claiming that a combined ethic is ideal for a political vocation. This makes Weber’s position regarding the ideal ethical stance for a man who has a ‘true political calling’ appear contradictory: the ethics are opposites but somehow to be combined. Commentators have mostly concluded that, for Weber, the ethic of responsibility is the ideal ethic for politics. That appears further in accord with the fact that a key concern of the speech in its historical context was to warn political students of the dangers associated with an ethic of conviction. Weber, as a realist, was especially critical of a stance that disregarded the corrupted nature of the world, which the ethic of responsibility alone seems to accept. Politicians with single-minded convictions were responsible for Germany’s political stalemate, supporting the fact that the ethic of conviction should not be deemed acceptable in politics. And yet there is much this position neglects by opting for only one of the two ethics, by concluding that only the ethic of responsibility is appropriate for political vocation. My thesis offers something different; something I admit is ambitious. What I propose is the synthesis of the opposition, of finding a way to combine the two irreconcilably opposed ethics.

"Ethics and Economics in the Course of Economic Thinking History" is the essay topic of the disertation. It aims at the description and definition of both terms in the history and it refers to their interactive links and separation in the past. Firstly, both terms are explained and then the most significant representatives and trends are mentioned. Due to their thoughts, ideas and opinions there was a possibility to develop the individual sciences. The theoretical part pays attention to current terms Green Economy and Green Growth which should help to solve the questions of the environment and its saving in the future. Both terms try to find the right solution that would reduce the environmental risks, decrease poverty and support economic growth with the tenable development, and other important topics. The practical part also pays attention to Green Economy. A wide range of societies is questioned about their awareness of the term Green Economy and other things that are connected with it. The survey was made in the South Bohemia region where a big number of societies was addressed. The result shows that more than a half of respondents is not aware of the term Green Economy at all. However they use and follow Green Economy principles so that they respect and live up to them unknowingly.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2016-01-20T21:10:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloHenriqueFacanhaDeMiranda_TESE.pdf: 6994254 bytes, checksum: 4c6844d1c65a6e2bff32f5f463c4f552 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-21T20:40:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloHenriqueFacanhaDeMiranda_TESE.pdf: 6994254 bytes, checksum: 4c6844d1c65a6e2bff32f5f463c4f552 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-21T20:40:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloHenriqueFacanhaDeMiranda_TESE.pdf: 6994254 bytes, checksum: 4c6844d1c65a6e2bff32f5f463c4f552 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-19 / A tese tem por objetivo discutir a tem?tica do prazer como um assunto intelectual e pessoal para Max Weber. Tem-se por refer?ncias principais A Sociologia das Religi?es, Ci?ncia como Voca??o e Pol?tica como Voca??o, Burocracia, O sentido da "Neutralidade Axiol?gica" nas Ci?ncias Sociais e Econ?micas. A respeito de sua vida v?rios autores foram consultados com destaque para a biografia escrita por sua esposa Marianne Weber por ter uma grande quantidade de trechos de cartas e conversas informais. O tema do prazer foi desenvolvido levando em considera??o a complexidade desse fen?meno onde sua realiza??o ocorre de forma ambivalente e m?ltipla. Para isso partimos do paradigma da complexidade segundo a ?tica de Edgar Morin, as reflex?es sobre o erotismo de Georges Bataille e as compreens?es antin?micas de Lepegneur e Onfray que a seus modos definem o prazer enquanto fen?meno que abriga ambig?idades e as refer?ncias hist?ricas de Peter Gay, Nobert Elias, Wolf Lepenies. Em Max Weber o prazer apresenta, tamb?m, essa ambig?idade, posto que sua abordagem cient?fica esteja registrando a aus?ncia de prazer para o surgimento de uma ?tica protestante e, al?m disso, para corroborar com um processo de desencantamento do mundo que nos leva a uma vida sem sentido. Weber sofre mudan?as substanciais nos ?ltimos dez anos de sua vida. Nesse per?odo inclui em suas reflex?es tema do erotismo e da arte como possibilidades de sairmos da rotina do cotidiano moderno que esmaga a liberdade existencial do indiv?duo. No entanto, sua postura amb?gua em rela??o a essas possibilidades, o leva a considerar uma situa??o de enfrentamento pessoal, her?ico, uma vez que, para ele, cada qual assuma as conseq??ncias de seus atos e crie seus valores para dar significa??o ? pr?pria exist?ncia. O prazer em Weber ? antes de tudo intelectual e existencial: ao lado da rotiniza??o da vida, burocratiza??o e desencantamento do mundo havia as possibilidades do carisma, da voca??o e da paix?o. Mas sempre que ele percebia essas alternativas para o "mal-estar" que o mundo moderno apresentava ao homem, ele, enquanto cientista era c?tico. Esse ? o argumento central da tese / The thesis has as its goal the discussion over the pleasure as an intellectual and personal subject for Max Weber. The main references are The Sociology of Religion, Science as a Vocation and Politics as a Vocation, Bureaucracy, The sense of "Axiological Neutrality" in Social and Economic Sciences. Many authors were researched for information about his life, with a highlight to the biography written by his wife Marianne Weber, for its great number of excerpts from letters and informal conversations. The subject "pleasure" was developed by taking into consideration the complexity of this phenomenon which happens in an ambivalent and multiple ways. In order to do that, we started from the paradigm of the complexity according to Edgar Morin's view, Georges Bataille's discussions on erotism and the antinomic comprehension of Lepegneur and Onfray, who define pleasure as a phenomenon with ambiguities, and the historical references of Peter Gay, Nobert Elias, Wolf Lepenies. In Max Weber, pleasure presents, also, this ambiguity, as his scientific approach is registering the absence of pleasure for the rise of a protestant ethic and, besides that, to support with a process of disenchantment of the world which leads us to a meaningless life. Weber goes through great changes in the last years of his life. In this period he includes in his comments the subjects "erotism" and "arts" with the possibility of escaping from modem everyday routine that affects the individual's existential freedom. However, his ambiguous position about these possibilities take him to consider that a situation o f personal confrontation, considered heroical, once, in his opinion, each one accepts the consequences o f their acts and builds their values to give a meaning to their own existence. The pleasure in Weber is, above ali aspects, intellectual and existential: side by side with the routine, bureaucracy and disenchantment ofthe world was the possibility of charisma, vocation and passion. However, always he related these characteristics to the discomfort that the modem world presented to men, he, as a scientist, was ethical. This is the main argument ofthis thesis

Weber’s discussion of ethics in his famous lecture (and then essay) Politics as a Vocation (1919) clearly indicates that two possible ethical stances, the ethic of conviction and the ethic of responsibility, are rooted in ‘distinct and irreconcilably opposed principles’. Throughout Politics as a Vocation, it is the ethic of responsibility that appears to be endorsed by Weber as suited for political life. Yet, Weber concludes his essay by claiming that a combined ethic is ideal for a political vocation. This makes Weber’s position regarding the ideal ethical stance for a man who has a ‘true political calling’ appear contradictory: the ethics are opposites but somehow to be combined. Commentators have mostly concluded that, for Weber, the ethic of responsibility is the ideal ethic for politics. That appears further in accord with the fact that a key concern of the speech in its historical context was to warn political students of the dangers associated with an ethic of conviction. Weber, as a realist, was especially critical of a stance that disregarded the corrupted nature of the world, which the ethic of responsibility alone seems to accept. Politicians with single-minded convictions were responsible for Germany’s political stalemate, supporting the fact that the ethic of conviction should not be deemed acceptable in politics. And yet there is much this position neglects by opting for only one of the two ethics, by concluding that only the ethic of responsibility is appropriate for political vocation. My thesis offers something different; something I admit is ambitious. What I propose is the synthesis of the opposition, of finding a way to combine the two irreconcilably opposed ethics.