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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Prior to Germany’s emergence as an imperial power in 1884, scholarly knowledge of the Orient was only deemed useful to a handful of academics, largely in part because oriental scholarship’s primary emphasis was the study of classical languages and ancient manuscripts. German colonialism, on the other hand, required the creation of a new body of oriental knowledge, one that was firmly rooted in the contemporary world instead of antiquity. In 1907, Carl Heinrich Becker published Christianity and Islam, one of the first pieces of scholarship to examine the modern Orient with a modern methodology. In particular, it was Becker’s adoption of the sociology of religion, a concept pioneered by Max Weber and Émile Durkheim, which allowed him to interpret the modern Orient in a way not previously possible under the philological tradition that defined oriental studies for previous generations of scholars.

Mi tesis doctoral lleva por título: El carisma político en la Teoría Sociológica. La investigación se ha centrado en definir el concepto de carisma político a través de distintos autores de la Teoría Social. El autor más relevante es, sin duda, Max Weber quien abordó en toda su complejidad la dimensión del concepto de carisma. Weber incluso considera que el carisma es capaz de cambiar la historia. Los autores previos que trataron el tema son Platón, Maquiavelo, Carlyle y Nietzsche y Durkheim quien desarrolló el concepto de "efervescencia colectiva". Hay que destacar que si bien estos autores construyen el concepto y se preguntan por el fenómeno carismático, no lo mencionan explícitamente. Por otra parte, Le Bon y Freud analizaron el concepto desde el punto de vista de la psicología de las masas. Después de Weber deben ser destacadas las aportaciones de Edward Shils quien incidió en la importancia del concepto de carisma propiamente dicho. Shils destacó su carácter central, además de ser un elemento generador de orden en las sociedades. Asimismo, observó su capacidad de legitimar un poder político. Otros autores modernos que han trabajado sobre el fenómeno y las relaciones carismáticas son Luciano Cavalli, Salvador Giner, David Aberbach, Ronald M. Glassman, Kyösti Pekonen, William H. Swatos, Charles Lindholm, Peter Kivisto y David Tàbara, entre otros. Cavalli ha enfatizado la necesidad de un liderazgo personal en las democracias occidentales, así como, la relación de confianza y responsabilidad que se establece entre el líder y el electorado. Giner enfatiza la metaracionalidad del carisma y su manufactura en las sociedades modernas. Mi hipótesis central es que a pesar que el carisma sea irracional, siempre tiene un cierto grado de racionalidad, aspecto que puede ser explicado a través de cada cultura, a través de cada uno de los seguidores del líder. En la dimensión carismática encontramos otros aspectos muy relacionados con el carisma político, tales como el carisma de la religión, el liderazgo político, el populismo, la identidad y los movimientos sociales. La gran revolución del carisma tuvo lugar durante los años sesenta debido a la generalización del uso de la televisión. Ésta ha transformado la morfología del carisma y la imagen pública de los políticos. Así, los medios de comunicación se han convertido en esenciales para ganar las elecciones. Por otra parte, el concepto de carisma ha sido trivializado por la prensa. Otro campo de investigación de gran interés es el carisma de género. A pesar que podemos definir el carisma como una característica perenne de todas las sociedades y a pesar que no podamos concebir las relaciones sociales sin su presencia, éste tiene un lado oscuro. Puede convertirse en peligroso al servicio de demagogos e ideologías como el fascismo. Así, un exceso de fascinación por el carisma puede ir en contra de la cultura política y del espíritu crítico de las democracias. No obstante, el carisma es un atributo necesario para todo tipo de líderes políticos democráticos, sin el cual los políticos no pueden triunfar electoralmente. Considero el carisma peligroso y simplista, puede incluso sustituir la cultura política, sin embargo, no podemos ignorarlo. Las muestras de afecto, las emociones, son presentes en las manifestaciones políticas y refuerzan las distintas adhesiones a los líderes y a sus partidos. / TITLE: POLITICAL CHARISMA IN SOCIOLOGICAL THEORYAUTHOR: BLANCA DEUSDAD University of Barcelona. Economics Faculty. Department of Sociological Theory.My Doctoral dissertation bears the title: Political Charisma in Sociological Theory ("El carisma político en la Teoría Sociológica"). I have focused my research on defining the concept of charisma through the different authors of Social Theory. The most relevant author is Max Weber who explains all the dimension of the concept of charisma. Weber even considers that charisma is able to change history. The previous authors that deal with the term are Plato, Machiavelli, Carlyle and Nietzsche, Durkheim who has developed the concept of collective effervescence. Even though these authors build the concept, they do not mention it explicitly. Moreover, Le Bon and Freud analyze the concept from the point of view of Psychology of the masses and Ortega y Gasset was concerned with the need of good government. After Weber the theories of Edward Shils must be underlined. He stresses the importance of the concept of charisma, especially as a central, order-creating and order-disclosing element. Furthermore, he emphasizes the charisma that contains the legitimacy of political power. In addition, modern authors as Luciano Cavalli, Salvador Giner, David Aberbach, Ronald M. Glassman, Kyösti Pekonen, William H. Swatos, Charles Lindholm, Peter Kivisto and David Tàbara, among others, study charisma and its demonstrations in modern societies. Cavalli underlines the need of a personal leadership in governments and its relation of confidence and responsibility with the electorate. Giner emphasizes the metarationality of charisma and its manufacture in Modern Societies. My central hypothesis is that even though charisma is irrational, it always has a certain degree of rationality, which can be explained by means of each culture, by means of every leader's follower. In the charismatic dimension there are other aspects very closely related to political charisma, but apart of charisma of religion, such as political leadership, populism, identity and social movements The greatest revolution took place in the sixties due to the increasing use of television. TV has transformed charisma's morphology and the politicians' public image in the mass media has become essential to win elections. Furthermore, the term has been trivialised by the press. It is also important to develop the research of charisma of gender. Even if charisma is a perennial feature of all societies and we cannot leave without it, it is a double-edged sword. It may become dangerous; it can support some ideologies such as fascism. An excess of fascination can go against political culture and the critical spirit of the democracies.Charisma is an attribute necessary to all kind of political leaders in the democracies, without which leaders could not, became successful in political elections. We consider charisma dangerous and simplistic, it can even substitute the political culture yet we cannot ignore it. Emotions, affections are present in political demonstrations and reinforce political adherences.

Dagens kristna församling är inte bara en kristen gemenskap utan också oftast en organisation med lönebetalda anställda, vilket inkluderar flertalet professioner. Studier som är gjorda inom Svenska kyrkan visar på kommunikationssvårigheter och otydligt ledarskap. Anställda sjukskrivs och slutar sina anställningar. I denna studie belyses en problematik som det inte talas om så mycket i församlingarna. Människor i den kristna församlingen som använder makt för att härska över sina medmänniskor. Kan det verkligen finnas anställda i församlingar i samfundet Svenska kyrkan som använder makt och härskartekniker för att påverka sina arbetskamrater? Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka om och isåfall i vilken utsträckning härskartekniker förekom mellan anställda inom Svenska kyrkan. Syftet var också att undersöka om det var vid någon speciell form av auktoritet härskartekniker förekommer oftare än vid andra auktoriteter och att förstå dem utifrån det weberianska maktperspektivet. Data samlades in genom strukturerade enkäter, vilka distribuerades digitalt till anställda inom ett stift i Svenska kyrkan. Majoriteten av respondenterna angav att de fem respektive härskarteknikerna aldrig eller sällan förekom mellan anställda på deras arbetsplats. Härskartekniker är dock något som 9,7 - 25,3 % av respondenterna ofta erfar på sin arbetsplats och 1 – 3,1 % av respondenterna har dagligen erfarenhet av härskartekniker. Slutsatsen av studien är att det kan konstateras att det förekommer härskartekniker mellan anställda inom Svenska kyrkan. Studien tyder dock också på att härskartekniker inte har blivit en legitim del av sättet att kommunicera och att det finns en möjlighet till förändring och en minskande användning av härskarteknik mellan de anställda.

Submitted by Viviane Lima da Cunha (viviane@biblioteca.ufpb.br) on 2018-01-31T12:57:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2978857 bytes, checksum: b390019002d6aafd5354ca16dc9030be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-31T12:57:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2978857 bytes, checksum: b390019002d6aafd5354ca16dc9030be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-05 / Those intellectuals in Western modernity who exempted themselves from the Orientalist intellectual vanguard position did so, in part and in fact, once they were deeply involved with Eastern philosophy (especially, the Indian); undeniably in greater number among the Germans. This German intellectual look, along with a clear indomania, remained almost completely apart from the imperialist exploratory justifications, so attractive to the British and the French minds, as Said’s Orientalists, those explored by literary dictates and other Orientalists presented by him. Therefore, we confirm and disagree, at the same time, with the author of Orientalism on a fundamental point: Germany has opposed orientalisms. One, to a lesser extent, based specifically on Hegel’s communicating vessels (coming from some English and French), which confirms Said’s thesis; the other, and here under the particular look of Max Weber, opposed to the imperialist and modernist Orientalism. Given this premise, we deal with a fruitful and broad intellectual understanding, under the Weberian look, with respect to the transmission of ideas that took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the so-called East India towards West Germany. Nevertheless, we have the following central problems: what would Weber's interests be? What and how did he present the Indian religions? Was he a mere influencer of Orientalism, as Said claims? Another Eurocentric adventurer and rationalist when it comes to an oriental culture? About the the first two questions, our research points to deep intellectual interests on the part of the German, far beyond what was expected; on the other questions, the answer is notably negative, since Weber will go beyond his time in many respects and will have unprecedented concerns, conclusions and amplifications regarding the indological analysis. Besides, he was not oblivious and submissive to the reports and analyzes coming from England and France, much less to the rationalist European and modern dictates that propagate the idea of being "better" than other times and other cultures. / Da posição de vanguarda intelectual orientalista se eximiram, em parte, aqueles intelectuais na modernidade ocidental que de fato ficaram profundamente envolvidos com a filosofia oriental (em especial, indiana), inegavelmente com maior ênfase entre os alemães. Tal olhar intelectual alemão, junto a uma indomania evidente, manteve-se quase que absolutamente à parte das justificativas exploratórias imperialistas, tão atraentes às mentes inglesas e francesas, os orientalistas de Said, e tão exploradas pelos ditames literários e orientalistas apresentados por ele. Assim sendo, confirmamos e discordamos ao mesmo tempo do autor de Orientalismo em um ponto fundamental: a Alemanha possui orientalismos opostos. Um, em menor proporção, calcado especificamente nos vasos comunicantes de ingleses e franceses, que confirma a tese do Said; outro, e aqui sob o olhar particular de Max Weber, contrapõe-se ao orientalismo imperialista. Diante desta premissa, tratamos de um entendimento intelectual frutífero e amplo, sob o olhar weberiano, no tocante ao contato ou transmissão de ideias ocorridas no século XIX e início do XX, entre os assim chamados Oriente indiano e o Ocidente alemão. Não obstante, temos os seguintes problemas centrais: quais seriam os interesses indológicos de Weber? O que e como ele apresentou as religiões indianas? Seria ele um mero influenciador do orientalismo, como assim apregoa Said? Mais um aventureiro eurocêntrico e racionalista em torno de uma cultura oriental? Para as duas primeiras questões, nossa pesquisa aponta para interesses intelectuais profundos por parte do alemão, muito além do esperado; para as demais, notadamente não, já que Weber irá além de seu tempo em muitos aspectos e terá preocupações, conclusões e amplificações inéditas em relação à análise indológica; além de não ficar omisso ou submisso aos relatos e análises advindas da Inglaterra e França, muito menos aos ditames racionalistas europeus e modernos que propagam a ideia de serem “melhores” a outros tempos e a outras culturas.

Submitted by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-06-04T14:27:01Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) O FENÔMENO BUROCRÁTICO EM MAX WEBER E MICHEL CROZIER_LAIANA CARVALHO DOS SANTOS.pdf: 776154 bytes, checksum: a0e4362c46457d2df9a1cf5bacfd412e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2018-06-04T14:27:16Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) O FENÔMENO BUROCRÁTICO EM MAX WEBER E MICHEL CROZIER_LAIANA CARVALHO DOS SANTOS.pdf: 776154 bytes, checksum: a0e4362c46457d2df9a1cf5bacfd412e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-04T14:27:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) O FENÔMENO BUROCRÁTICO EM MAX WEBER E MICHEL CROZIER_LAIANA CARVALHO DOS SANTOS.pdf: 776154 bytes, checksum: a0e4362c46457d2df9a1cf5bacfd412e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-13 / This work aims to analyze the bureaucratic phenomenon in organizations and society, from the works of Max Weber, such as The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism and Economy and Society, and Michel Crozier, of this author more particularly The Bureaucratic Phenomenon, still that research has sought knowledge in other writings. The bibliographical research proved to be a valid option and with sufficient legitimacy, since it made possible the contextualization of the works and the elaborated systems, moment of the research that justified the description of the trajectory of the author by the necessity of contextualization of the work and understanding of the writings from a historical, social, economic and political moment; and the identification of the characteristics of the bureaucratic phenomenon; the relations of power and their manifestation in French society, besides the possibility of reflecting it in Brazilian society with its specificities. Crozier undertakes a strategic analysis of organizations from the bureaucratic model, which leads to a contemporary and relevant interpretation of the Weberian work for both Sociology and Administration, considering that sociological reflection on the specific characteristics of the bureaucracy as a system of organization, brings with it the possibility of a remarkable contribution to the solution of the questions of the developing countries. / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o fenômeno burocrático nas organizações e na sociedade a partir das obras de Max Weber, como A Ética Protestante e o Espírito do Capitalismo e Economia e Sociedade; e Michel Crozier, deste autor, mais particularmente O Fenômeno Burocrático, ainda que a pesquisa tenha buscado conhecimentos em outros escritos. A pesquisa bibliográfica mostrou-se uma opção válida e com suficiente legitimidade, visto que possibilitou a contextualização das obras e dos sistemas elaborados, momento da pesquisa que justificou a descrição da trajetória do autor pela necessidade de contextualização da obra e compreensão dos escritos a partir de um momento histórico, social, econômico e político; e a identificação das características do fenômeno burocrático; as relações de poder e a sua manifestação na sociedade francesa, além da possibilidade de refleti-lo na sociedade brasileira com suas especificidades. Crozier empreende uma análise estratégica das organizações a partir do modelo burocrático, o que leva a uma interpretação contemporânea e relevante da obra weberiana tanto para a Sociologia quanto para a Administração, considerando que reflexão sociológica sobre as características específicas da burocracia, enquanto sistema de organização traz consigo a possibilidade de uma contribuição notável para a solução das questões dos países em desenvolvimento.

Submitted by Israel Vieira Neto (israel.vieiraneto@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-05T12:23:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Sílvio Silva Broxado.pdf: 2706355 bytes, checksum: 46c1933b71c2fbe275fe889e151dbb9e (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T12:23:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Sílvio Silva Broxado.pdf: 2706355 bytes, checksum: 46c1933b71c2fbe275fe889e151dbb9e (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-29 / O objetivo desse trabalho é delinear uma comparação do quantitativo de cargos públicos comissionados no Governo do Estado de Pernambuco no período de 1995 (ano do lançamento do Plano de Reforma do Aparelho do Estado) a 2011, sob a ótica da Teoria Burocrática de Max Weber e do Plano de Reforma do Estado pelo viés da Nova Gestão Pública defendida por Bresser Pereira, bem como mostrar o processo de influência na escolha de funcionários perante fatores econômicos, políticos, culturais e sociais nos acessos e contratações a cargos comissionados, por um painel histórico do que aconteceu no Brasil através das Constituições Federais no período de 1824 a 1988, pelo prisma da meritocracia, do patrimonialismo, do clientelismo, do nepotismo, além das contribuições de Guerreiro Ramos sobre a modernidade das organizações. O estudo utilizou as metodologias de investigação bibliográfica e documental, tendo levantado dados e informações, via fontes primárias: Leis; Decretos; Diários Oficiais do Estado de Pernambuco de todo período analisado; Boletim Estatístico de Pessoal emitido mensalmente pelo Ministério do Planejamento, Orçamento e Gestão desde 1997, bem como via fontes secundárias, presentes em trabalhos científicos com o temário sobre carreiras de Estado e cargos comissionados no âmbito da administração pública n o período pós 1995, e dessa forma contribuir para o aperfeiçoamento da compreensão com relação às diretrizes administrativas da gestão de pessoal adotada no Governo do Estado de Pernambuco nos últimos 16 anos.

Liberalism is often criticized as too moralistic and removed from the realities of politics; and too complacently accepting of injustices. Such criticisms, familiar among contemporary political theorists, were expressed far more forcefully in the earlier twentieth century. Liberalism then came under attack from anti-liberals who wholly rejected the institutional and ethical limits on the political deployment of violence and fear insisted upon by liberals. Such anti-liberals advanced arguments for political ruthlessness on behalf of a truer morality - either the morality of pursuing morally imperative political goals; or the morality of "realistically" responding to threats to public order. Liberals found themselves faced with a dilemma: to adhere to their principles at the price of hampering their ability to combat both existing injustices, and the threat posed by ruthless anti-liberal movements; or to abandon their scruples in seeking to defend, or transform, liberal society. The criticisms and challenges confronting liberalism between the end of World War I, and the end of the Cold War, thus centered on opposing responses to problems of political ethics. They were also shaped by opposed ideals of political ethos - the "spirit", dispositions of character, sensibility and patterns of perception and response, which characterize the way in which actors pursue their values and goals in practice. In this dissertation I reconstruct these debates, and explicate the ethical claims and questions involved, presenting accounts of the opposed - yet often convergent - positions of moral purism, end-maximalism, and realism. I offer accounts of the ethical arguments and ethos of such anti-liberals as Lenin, Trotsky, and Lukacs; and explore the ambivalent commitments and ambiguous arguments of Max Weber, who influenced both critics and defenders of liberalism. Finally, and primarily, I reconstruct the ethical arguments and ethos of "tempered liberalism" - a strain of liberalism, represented by Reinhold Niebuhr, Isaiah Berlin, and Adam Michnik, which sought to re-imagine liberalism as an ethos which rejected both the innocence and complacency of some earlier liberalisms, and the ruthlessness of anti-liberalism, and steered a "moderate" ethical path between hard-headed, skeptical realism, and values of individual integrity and idealism. / Government

The thesis is an investigation into the writings of Karl Marx and Max Weber, and the interpretations of their relationship in social thought. The interpretations of the relationship of these ideas have become polarized between Weberian and Marxist camps, characterized by Parsons and Weber. The paper begins with an examination of the writings of Max Weber, specifically with respect to his concepts of institutions, developmental theory, and theory of domination. The work of Marx is next examined with regard to these three topics. The interpretations offered by Parsons and Zeitlin are reviewed. The paper concludes that neither argument offered by Parsons or Zeitlin is altogether correct nor incorrect.