Der vorliegenden Studie Die dialektische Lebenskunst von Guy Debord, Verworfener & Kulturschatz liegt eine interdisziplinäre Untersuchung des Gesamtwerks jenes französischen Radikalen zugrunde. Debords kohärentes Bestreben hatte darin bestanden, zu einer Leidenschaft der Existenz zurückzufinden, wie sie als Grundlage zur Umwälzung des verarmten Alltagslebens dienen sollte. Zugleich Ehre und Pläsier war es ihm dabei, der „Gesellschaft des Spektakels“ - 1967 in einem strategisch eingesetzten ‚Theoriebuch‘ in Form von Zweckentfremdungen analysiert - zu schaden, wo er nur konnte. Kategorisierungsversuche seiner Tätigkeiten und Umtriebe ‚unterlief‘ der Wahlpariser regelmäßig. Lediglich den Einordnungen als Filmemacher und Enragé stimmte er zu. Interpretationsschwerpunkte liegen auf der Begutachtung von Bildmanifesten und Selbstporträts, wozu seine sieben Filme zählen. Im Rahmen eines an Gerald Raunig und Bazon Brock angelehnten Theoriedesigns, wird sein provokantes Vorgehen in neun Kapiteln (I – IX) als Gesamtkunst-Experiment und Lebenskunstwerk beschrieben. Fundamental ist hierbei das Diktum Brocks, dass ein Totalkunstwerk ein Postulat seiner eigenen Verwirklichung darstellt. Die Gliederung des Stoffes folgt dem romanhaften Werdegang eines Initiators zweier Avantgardeformationen sowie dem Vollzug einer ‚Überwindung‘ der Kunst in deren Reihen. Das Gravitätszentrum aller Aktivitäten und ein Scharnier der Abhandlung ist die klandestine Rolle, welche die Situationistische Internationale bei der Verwirklichung der Mai-Revolte 1968 in Frankreich spielte. / In its character the study Guy Debords Art of Living, Accursed Poet & Cultural Treasury is an interdisciplinary examination of this French radical’s strange and obscure ways. His coherent achievement may be judged as an approach to regain a lost passion of existence in order to revolutionize everyday life. Debord found pleasure and pride in his lifelong ambition to demolish the so-called “Socitey of the Spectacle”, which he analyzed in his infamous book by the same title, first published in 1967. Often quoted since, rarely described as the invention and event it was. Debord defended himself againt categorization. But he agreed on being titulated a filmmaker and enraged person in the tradition of a perverted French Revolution. Following a theory-design, paying references to Gerald Raunig and Bazon Brock, his provocative approach is discussed in nine chapters (I-IX). Baring in mind that – according to Brock – a total work is a postulate of its own realization. The script follows the novel-like progress of a co-founder and lustful destroyer of two avantgarde-troups. All of the group activities are gravitating around what happened in Paris at the heyday of May 68.

The Contribution to the Problems of Public Activities of the Student Movement in the United States of America in the 1960s In many aspects, the 1960s were a turning point in the history of the post-war world. Great number of political, as well as social and cultural turbulences took place during the decade, changing the world in a significant way. Social movements (which student movement was a part of - and an important one, one should add) contributed to these changes in many ways. After the "silent fifties" which almost completely lacked any form of political or social involvement of ordinary citizens, the sixties brought wave after wave of social disturbances, commotions, and even riots. First the civil rights movement, then the anti-war and student movements, tried to transform the American society into a better one. Students gathered around the issue of the Vietnam War, turning it into a cornerstone of their political agenda and even though they participated in a number of other (often more constructive) activities, these got necessarily overshadowed by the war issue. In order to gain more members, the student movement was forced to adopt more militant and violent kind of actions, which eventually estranged its members to the majority society. When we take into consideration the distorted lens of the...

Se focalisant sur les quatre spectacles montés dans les deux périodes où la conception orthodoxe de la révolution socialiste est remise en question par l’expansion du néo-libéralisme, cette thèse vise à révéler simultanément les diverses approches théâtrales et problématiques du mythe historique et leur lien indissociable avec les problèmes sociopolitiques de l’époque. Face à la démoralisation profonde chez les militants suite à la défaite politique du mouvement de Mai 68, le Théâtre du Soleil essaie de démystifier l’Histoire de la Révolution française pour s’interroger sur l’esprit révolutionnaire contemporain et sur le développement démocratique des temps modernes. Son diptyque révolutionnaire – 1789 et 1793 – dévoile non seulement la combativité commune entre les différentes générations engagées, mais perce également les problèmes cruciaux de ses actualités politiques. Contrairement à l’atmosphère commémorative et festive du bicentenaire de la Révolution française, Klaus Michael Grüber et Matthias Langhoff adoptent parallèlement une approche distanciée et problématique pour révéler les ambiguïtés entre la prise de conscience individuelle et l’engagement collectif, entre le dilemme existentiel d’un révolutionnaire désabusé et son idéal politique. La Mort de Danton et La Mission/ Au Perroquet vert font écho à la désorientation générale entraînée par la désintégration du bloc de l’Est vers la fin de l’année 1989. À travers ces quatre créations théâtrales, nous nous rapprochons des contradictions de l’humanité confrontée au sursaut historique pour surmonter les limites des révolutions passées et créer des nouvelles possibilités d’actions révolutionnaires futures. / This thesis focuses on four performances staged in two periods when the orthodox view of the socialist revolution was being challenged by the spread of neo-liberalism. In parallel, it aims to throw light on the various theatrical and theoretical approaches to the historical myth and their inextricable link with the sociopolitical problems of the age. In light of the deep sense of demoralisation felt by activists in the wake of the political defeat of the May 68 movement, the Théâtre du Soleil tries to demystify the history of the French Revolution to examine the contemporary revolutionary spirit and the growth of democracy in our modern age. In 1789 and 1793 it reveals the general sense of combativeness that pervaded all age groups, and turns the spotlight on the critical problems of current political issues. In contrast to the commemorative and festive atmosphere of the bicentennial of the French Revolution, Klaus Michael Grüber and Matthias Langhoff adopt a more objective, theoretical approach in order to reveal the ambiguities that exist between individual understanding and collective engagement, between the existential dilemma of disillusioned revolutionaries and their political ideals. Danton's Death and The Mission/The Green Cockatoo reflect the general sense of disorientation felt in the wake of the collapse of the Eastern bloc at the end of 1989. These four theatrical pieces allow us to gain an insight into the contradictions of humankind when confronted with momentous historical events in order to move beyond the limits of previous revolutions and create new possibilities for future revolutionary actions.

La revue Tel Quel était une plateforme du maoïsme en France autour de Mai 68. Le maoïsme de Tel Quel est non seulement un phénomène politique, mais aussi un phénomène culturel. Il y a trois thèmes de recherche sur le maoïsme de Tel Quel : le maoïsme de Tel Quel et le marxisme; le maoïsme de Tel Quel et la critique du bureaucratisme; et enfin le maoïsme et la culture chinoise (classique). Malgré la fascination des maoïstes "telqueliens" pour la Chine dans les domaines de la politique et de la culture, surtout avec la Révolution culturelle qui intégra les révolutions politiques au nom de la culture, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est un imaginaire sur la Chine. C'était une introjection de la Chine en France avec une négation de la réalité de la Chine de Mao. De plus, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est une critique des intellectuels sur l’aliénation de la modernité. En conséquence, l’observation du maoïsme en France est une réflexion sur le rôle de l’intellectuel, et aussi une réflexion sur la société française autour de Mai 68 / Tel Quel is one of the important platforms of Maoism around the May 1968 in France. The Maoism of Tel Quel is not only a phenomenon of politics but also a phenomenon of culture. There are there parts of this thesis: Maoism and Marxism, Maoism and the critiques on bureaucratism, and Maoism and Chinese traditional culture.Although Tel Quel showed great interest to the Chinese politics and culture, especially to the Culture Revolution in China, the Maoism it carried out was the imagination of China. The fact is that the intellectuals utilized the imagined China which reflected the political needs to criticize the social realities in France, but they ignored the true China. Otherwise, the Maoism of Tel Quel is the intellectuals’ criticism to the alienation of modernism in France. Therefore, the investigation on Tel Quel is the investigation of the role that intellectuals played in May 1968 and the perspective of the whole French society around the May 1968 in France.

A partir de la fin des années 1870, l’enseignement supérieur en France connaît d’importantes mutations liées aux réformes de la Troisième République. La faculté des lettres de Bordeaux, qui s’installe en 1886 dans le « Palais des Facultés » - un des tout premiers en France - au centre-ville de Bordeaux, permet d’observer les bouleversements qui touchent autant les enseignants que les étudiants de plus en plus nombreux, mais aussi le cursus universitaire et les disciplines enseignées. La faculté des lettres de Bordeaux acquiert une certaine spécificité au cœur d’un mouvement national : l’innovation de la « science sociale » avec Emile Durkheim, le développement de la géographie coloniale en sont quelques exemples. Près d’un siècle plus tard, au cours des années 1960, la faculté des lettres de Bordeaux se distingue encore avec l’écriture d’une histoire de Bordeaux sous la direction de Charles Higounet, inédite alors pour une métropole en France et en Europe. Une étude prosopographique distingue quelques caractéristiques d’un corps professoral, souvent passé par les grandes écoles, pour lequel la faculté des lettres de Bordeaux peut constituer autant un tremplin vers Paris que la réalisation d’une longue carrière universitaire. L’analyse des dossiers des étudiants montre le mouvement de massification qui touche l’enseignement supérieur ainsi que sa féminisation et une relative diversification des origines sociales. La faculté des lettres de Bordeaux, siège de ministères au début des deux conflits mondiaux, est, enfin, engagée dans les grands enjeux politiques, de l’affaire Dreyfus à Mai 68 tout en s’insérant au cœur de l’Aquitaine et en s’ouvrant au monde, plus particulièrement aux territoires d’outre-mer et de culture hispanique. La faculté des lettres de Bordeaux est donc un reflet de la démocratisation progressive de l’accès à l’éducation et de ses limites, mais aussi des changements structurels de la société française de la fin du XIXe siècle à 1968. / From the end of the 1870’s, Higher Education in France underwent important changes linked to the reforms of the Third Republic. The Faculty of Arts of the University of Bordeaux, took up residence in the “Palais des Facultés” - one of the very first in France – in the town centre of Bordeaux. We can observe the upheavals which affected not only the teaching staff and the students who were constantly increasing in numbers, but also the university curriculum and the subjects taught. The Faculty of Arts of Bordeaux acquired a certain specificity within a national movement: the innovation of “Social Sciences” with Emile Durkheim or the development of Colonial Geography being just a couple of examples. More than a century later, in the 1960’s, The Faculty of Arts of Bordeaux distinguished itself yet again with the writing of the History of Bordeaux under the supervision of Charles Higounet, the first of its kind for a metropolis whether in France or in Europe. A prosopographical study distinguished certain characteristics of the body of Professors, who had often studied in the “Grandes Ecoles”, and for whom the Faculty of Arts of Bordeaux could prove to be a stepping stone towards a position in Paris or the achievement of a long university career. The study of the students’ records shows the mass movement which affected Higher Education as well as its feminization and a certain diversification of social origins. The Faculty of Arts of Bordeaux, ministerial Headquarters during the two World Wars, was involved in important political issues, from the Dreyfus case to May 68 whilst playing an important role in Aquitaine and remaining open to the outside world, especially in overseas territories of Hispanic culture. The Faculty of Arts of Bordeaux is thus a reflection of the gradual democratization of the access to education and its limits, but also of the structural changes within French society from the end of the nineteenth century to 1968.

Questa ricerca si propone di contribuire ad una prima analisi storiografica del ciclo di protesta esploso in Italia nel 1977. A nove anni dal ’68, la contestazione tornò ad agitare le università e le piazze, lottando sul terreno della creatività e dell’ironia, ma esprimendo contestualmente una forte carica violenta. L’illegalità di massa e la guerriglia diffusa finirono infatti per ingrossare le fila del «partito armato» e del terrorismo. Il ‘movimento’ degli indiani metropolitani e delle P38, proprio in ragione di questa ambiguità, fatica ancora a trovare una descrizione esaustiva, mentre la sua escalation violenta è ancora in attesa di un’eziologia convincente. Questo studio tenta quindi, in primo luogo, di ricostruire un’immagine unitaria e realistica di quel fenomeno socio-politico, a partire dalle fonti del ‘movimento’ e dalle cronache. In secondo luogo, integra la variabile istituzionale nello studio della protesta, al fine di verificare quale grado di influenza ebbe lo Stato sui processi di riattivazione della mobilitazione e, soprattutto, sulla radicalizzazione dello scontro. Il focus dell’analisi è rappresentato dall’azione assai controversa del ministero dell’Interno, allora guidato da Francesco Cossiga, che viene qui ricostruita sulla base di documenti provenienti dagli archivi di Stato. Il policing of protest è infine messo a confronto con quello della Francia dei primi anni dopo il maggio ’68, quando l’estrema sinistra minacciò una deriva violenta ma si arrestò prima di passare all’atto. / his research aims to contribute to a first preliminary historiographical analysis of the cycle of protest which spread out in Italy in 1977. Nine years after 1968, revolts started again on in the streets and inside universities. This new wave of protest was characterized by the use of creativity and humour but also by the acceptance of the violence: illegal action and urban guerrilla warfare became quite common and contributed to the expansion of the red terrorism. As a matter of fact, this ‘movement’ shows an inherent ambiguity: it put together political emulators of Dadaism with old-styled armed revolutionaries. Therefore, it is still hard and an open challenge to find an inclusive description of it and the escalation of political violence is still waiting for a convincing aetiology. The objective of this is research is twofold. On the one hand, it tries to rebuild a coherent and realistic picture of this phenomenon under analysis, adopting insider sources of the ‘movement’ and chronicles. On the other hand, it aims at integrating the institutional variable in the study of the protest, in order to verify to which extent the State was can be held responsible for the mobilization processes and, especially, for the radicalization of the social conflict. The analysis is centred on the action of the ministry of Interior and based on records from State archives. The Italian policing of protest is finally compared with to the case study of France during the first years after May 68. At that time, extreme-left activists threatened a similar escalation of violence, but they came to a halt before shooting.