Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T18:15:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edinilson Quintiliano dos Santos.pdf: 3188808 bytes, checksum: 1e89bd3758b7d54483dbf3a87cff93c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-22 / The aim of this study is to reflect upon the concept of The Middle East so as to understand the origin of several representations related o the term as well as to verify if the Geography textbooks for Ensino Médio (EM) selected by Programa Nacional do Livro para o Ensino Médio (PNLEM) have theoretical inadequacies or show prejudiced views of the Middle East. We start from a brief reconstitution of the concept of region in the history of geographical thought, seeking to understand its influence in the Middle Eastern spatial delimitation. This reflection is necessary due to the regional connotation of expression Middle East. We investigated different sources such as sites, Para didactic books and journals to see how the Middle East is represented spatially and we established the differences and the similarities in those representations as well as contextualized the moment when the expression was created and what factors were determinants in that process. After that, we analyzed the way the Middle East was represented in the Geography textbooks for EM. The investigation highlighted territorial imprecision as well as theoretical and conceptual weaknesses in the expression. Besides that, it found the bases of those representations in Geopolitics. The study made it possible to understand that the various views of world produced since European Imperialism in XX Century created various representations of the Middle East and that the Geography textbooks reproduce them, but they do not make clear for the readers the polemics related to spatial reach of the Middle East / A pesquisa tem como finalidade estabelecer uma reflexão em torno do conceito de Oriente Médio, com o objetivo de compreender a origem das várias representações que o termo apresenta. Assim como, verificar se os livros didáticos de geografia do Ensino Médio, selecionados pelo Programa Nacional do Livro para o Ensino Médio (PNLEM), apresentam incorreções teóricas ou disseminam visões preconceituosas em relação ao Oriente Médio. Partimos de uma breve reconstituição do conceito de região na história do pensamento geográfico, buscando compreender a influência desse conceito na delimitação espacial do Oriente Médio. Essa reflexão se fez necessária, em decorrência da conotação regional que a expressão Oriente Médio comporta. Investigamos em diversas fontes sites, paradidáticos e periódicos como o Oriente Médio é representado espacialmente e estabelecemos as semelhanças e diferenças presentes nessas representações, bem como buscamos contextualizar o momento em que a expressão é criada e quais fatores foram determinantes nesse processo. Para então analisarmos de que forma esse conceito é apresentado nos livros didáticos de Geografia do Ensino Médio. A averiguação evidenciou a imprecisão territorial e a fragilidade teórica conceitual que a expressão representa além de encontrar na geopolítica as bases para essas representações. A pesquisa possibilitou compreender que as várias visões de mundo produzidas a partir do Imperialismo europeu do século XX, criaram diversas representações do Oriente Médio e que os livros didáticos de geografia reproduzem essas representações, porém não esclarecem aos seus leitores quanto à polêmica que envolve a abrangência espacial do Oriente Médio

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My thesis is the product of an in-depth qualitative study of the ‘return' of British-born Cypriots to Cyprus. By specifically focusing on the second generation, my thesis seeks to rectify the lacuna in research on the second generation's connections to the ethnic homeland, capitalising on these migrants' positionalities with respect to questions of home and belonging. The thesis consists of eight chapters: Chapter 1 introduces the context in which the research was conducted; Chapter 2 provides the historical and geographical background for the Cypriot migration experience; Chapter 3 presents the methodological and ethical context in which my research was conducted; Chapters, 4, 5, 6 are the main empirical chapters, discussing the British-born Greek-Cypriot returnees' experiences, motives and viewpoints, from childhood memories to today's adult experiences; Chapter 7 provides an additional comparative angle through the inclusion of a subsample of British-born Turkish Cypriots; and finally, Chapter 8, my concluding chapter, revisits the research questions, draws comparisons with other empirical studies on second-generation return, and re-evaluates my methodological framework. Through the voices and life-narratives of second-generation British-Cypriot ‘return' migrants – following a biographical timeline – the multifaceted perspectives in which notions of ‘return', ‘home' and ‘belonging' can be viewed and experienced in a migratory context are revealed. My study shows the complexities and ambivalences involved when exploring ideas of ‘identity' and ‘return', views of ‘home', and feelings of ‘belonging' in the ancestral homeland – demonstrating how boundaries of such notions are blurred, eroded and re-established by a new generation of migrants, reflecting their time, experiences, choices and ideologies. My findings deconstruct the meaning of ‘return', move beyond the primordial cultural confines of notions of ‘belonging', and challenge the simple dichotomy of ‘home' versus ‘away', revealing new similarities (and differences) beyond such predefined labels and categories, which form the building blocks for new, contemporary, ways and spaces of belonging.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação é verificar se o comportamento do mediador no conflito entre árabes e israelenses está de acordo com a definição dada pelo modelo de mediação internacional. As duas vertentes principais desse modelo usadas aqui são a mediação tradicional e a mediação de segunda via, que determinam condutas diferenciadas para seus respectivos mediadores. Três processos foram selecionados para a análise e discussão das atividades e comportamentos de cada tipo de mediador. O primeiro caso trata da mediação feita pelo secretário de Estado americano Henry Kissinger entre Egito, Síria e Israel na década de 70. O segundo processo é a negociação conduzida pelo presidente Jimmy Carter entre Israel e Egito que assinaram os acordos de Camp David em 1978. E a terceira mediação é a feita entre israelenses e palestinos por representantes noruegueses de janeiro a agosto de 1993. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to verify whether the mediators behaviour in the conflict between Arabs and Israelis fits the definition of the international mediation model. The two main types of mediation used in this analysis, official mediation and pure mediation, define different behaviours to their respective mediators. Three case studies were chosen to analyse and discuss the activities and behaviours of each type of mediator. The first case refers to the mediation of the American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger between Egypt, Syria and Israel in the 70s. The second case studied here is the mediation of US President Jimmy Carter between Israel and Egypt, which culminated in the signing of the Camp David accords in 1978. And the last mediation studied here is the one of Norwegian representatives between Israelis and Palestinians from January to August 1993.

Issu de l’islam politique turc, le Parti de la Justice et du Développement [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP], arrivé au pouvoir en 2002, a suscité l’intérêt des observateurs internationaux par une politique étrangère active. Si celle-ci semble répondre à une certaine cohérence, elle a aussi connu, entre 2002 et 2016, de nombreuses évolutions. L’AKP tire sa vision stratégique et diplomatique des expériences de gouvernement antérieures, des idéologies conservatrices qui ont marqué le pays au XXe siècle et de la pensée de plusieurs intellectuels, dont le plus influent est Ahmet Davutoğlu, conseiller du Premier ministre puis ministre des Affaires étrangères (2009-2014). Le premier mandat de l’AKP (2002-2007) voit ce parti explorer différentes options stratégiques. Puis se met en place une doctrine qui s’appuie sur quelques grands principes, comme la pacification des relations de voisinage, une diplomatie pro-active et l’utilisation de tous les outils à disposition pour rayonner à l’échelle régionale puis globale. L’objectif est de mettre la Turquie au cœur des échanges commerciaux locaux, en s’appuyant sur son influence grandissante au Moyen-Orient pour peser auprès de ses partenaires internationaux. Les révolutions arabes de 2011 poussent l’AKP à repenser sa doctrine. Le pays se veut désormais un exemple au sein duquel valeurs traditionnelles et démocratie conservatrice peuvent cohabiter, ainsi qu’un soutien des Frères Musulmans, qui portent cette vision dans le monde arabe. Mais en 2013, plusieurs crises fragilisent cette vision et poussent la Turquie à renoncer à la doctrine élaborée par l’AKP. / The Justice and Development Party [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP], which emerged from the Turkish political Islam in 2002, has aroused the interest of international observers through an active foreign policy. While this seems to be consistent, it also underwent many changes between 2002 and 2016. The AKP's strategic and diplomatic vision derives from past government experiences, the conservative ideologies that marked the country in the 20th century and the thoughts of several intellectuals, with Ahmet Davutoğlu, advisor to the Prime Minister and later Minister of Foreign Affairs (2009-2014) being the most influential of them. The first mandate of the AKP (2002-2007) witnessed a series of strategic options being explored within the party. This was followed by the establishment of a doctrine based on a few major principles, such as the pacification of neighbourly relations, pro-active diplomacy and the use of all the tools at hand to influence the regional and subsequently the global level. The objective was to put Turkey at the heart of local trade, using its growing influence in the Middle East to influence its international partners. The Arab revolutions of 2011 pushed the AKP to rethink its doctrine. The country yearns now for being an example within which traditional values and conservative democracy can coexist, as well as support from the Muslim Brotherhood, which brings this vision to the Arab world. But in 2013, several crises weakened this vision and forced Turkey to renounce the doctrine developed by the AKP.

Cette thèse examine la « politique arabe » de la Turquie sous le règne du parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP). Alors que pendant la majeure partie du XXème siècle la Turquie était désengagée du Moyen-Orient, les années 2000 voient une implication croissante d’Ankara dans son environnement régional arabe. Ainsi, cette thèse analyse le changement d’orientation qui a eu lieu en Turquie en matière de politique étrangère et de diplomatie à l’égard du Moyen-Orient. L’argument principal est que l’ouverture de la Turquie sur son environnement moyen-oriental est liée au phénomène de l’émergence : étant une puissance moyenne émergente en quête de statut, la Turquie de l’AKP trouve en le Moyen-Orient un champ de manœuvre indispensable pour son affirmation à l’échelle internationale. Nous avons examiné les outils et méthodes employés par la puissance moyenne émergente pour s’ériger en puissance régionale de son hinterland moyen-oriental, en particulier : le nouveau discours civilisationnel employé par l’élite au pouvoir, l’invention de «niches diplomatiques » comme la médiation et la diplomatie de la paix, le soft power comme outil de conquête des cœurs et des esprits, et la tentative de règlement de la question kurde. Toutefois, nous avons démontré que malgré le caractère «novateur » de ces instruments, le statut de la Turquie au Moyen-Orient reste fragile : d’une part, l’instabilité qui caractérise la région menace les acquis et les intérêts d’Ankara ; d’autre part, la Turquie souffre d’un « overachievement » ou d’un décalage entre ses ambitions de puissance et ses capacités et ressources réelles. Plus généralement, l’ « émergence» turque se heurte aux blocages du système international : la structure « oligarchique » de celui-ci empêche l’intégration des puissances moyennes en quête de statut et limite leur capacité d’influence dans le jeu de gouvernance mondiale. / This thesis examines the "Arab policy" of Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP). While for most of the 20th century Turkey was disengaged from the Middle East, the beginning of the 21st century witnessed a growing involvement of Ankara in its Arab regional environment. Thus, this thesis analyzes the shift that took place in Turkey's foreign policy and diplomacy towards the Middle East. The main argument is that Turkey’s embrace of its Middle Eastern environment is linked to the phenomenon of “rising powers”: being a rising middle power in quest for status, Turkey has found in the Middle East a field maneuver necessary for its assertion on the international stage. The thesis examines the tools and methods used by Turkey to emerge as a regional power in its Middle Eastern hinterland, in particular: the use of a new civilizational discourse by the ruling elite, the recourse to "niche diplomacy" such as mediation and peace diplomacy, the use of soft power to win hearts and minds, and the attempts to solve the Kurdish question. However, it shows that despite the "innovative" character of these instruments, the status of Turkey in the Middle East remains fragile: on the one hand, the instability that characterizes the region jeopardizes the achievements and interests of Ankara; on the other hand, Turkey suffers from an "overachievement" or a gap between its ambitions and its power capabilities and real resources. More generally, Turkey’s quest for status is undermined by the structure of the international system: the "oligarchic" nature of the latter prevents the integration of middle powers and limits their capacity to play an effective role in global governance.

Cette thèse a pour origine le constat de l’implication forte d’une fraction de la société civile irlandaise, de l’homme de la rue, d’associations politiques militantes, de syndicats mais aussi de l’appareil diplomatique, dans le rapport de force en Palestine, depuis la Guerre des Six jours de 1967, qui soulève l’indignation populaire. Le paroxysme de ce phénomène prend place en Irlande du Nord, où Unionistes et Nationalistes brandissent les drapeaux israéliens et palestiniens, pour témoigner de leur attachement à l’un ou l’autre des acteurs du conflit au Moyen-Orient. Il s’agit ici d’explorer les origines et l’évolution de cette mobilisation, en définissant le contour d’une perspective irlandaise protéiforme sur le conflit israélo-palestinien, qui s’appuie sur un faisceau multiple de lectures domestiques des événements au Moyen-Orient, fondées sur autant d’appréhensions de l’histoire irlandaise. Celles-ci s’épanouissent dans un entremêlement de narrations contradictoires du conflit israélo- palestinien, qui animent le discours politique irlandais autour du débat sur l’identité postcoloniale de l’Irlande. Cet exposé propose une analyse des manifestations de solidarité transnationale avec Israël et la Palestine, que ce soit à l’échelle nationale et supranationale, des partis politiques, ou des syndicats et des associations civiles. Il s’attache à mettre en lumière les facteurs, à la fois historiques, et par là-même ancrés dans l’identité de l’Etat irlandais et de l’Irlande du Nord, mais aussi stratégiques, diplomatiques et religieux, qui participent à une domestication irlandaise du conflit au Moyen-Orient. La récupération politique de ce conflit dans la propagande du militantisme républicain irlandais au début des années 1970, mais aussi dans les discours politiques et au sein de la société civile, ainsi que la réaction pro-israélienne plus récente, qui échappent encore à un apport théorique, constituent le cœur de ce travail de recherche. / The starting-point of the writing of this thesis is the observation of the strong commitment of a layer of Irish civil society – from the man on the street to political parties, associations and trade unions – to the defence of one antagonist or the other in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, ever since the Six Day War in 1967, which aroused international indignation. This phenomenon is particularly striking in Northern Ireland, where Israeli and Palestinian flags have been flown by Unionists and Nationalists as signs of solidarity and identification. The purpose of this research is to look into the origins and the evolutions of such expressions of transnational solidarity, by defining the multifaceted Irish approach to the Middle-East question. This approach is based on a prism of domestic readings of the conflict, originating from different conceptions of Irish history. Indeed, the intermingling of the sometimes contradictory readings of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict feeds into the Irish political debate, revolving around the supposedly postcolonial identity of Ireland. This thesis develops an analysis of the transnational solidarity in Ireland with Israel and Palestine, be it at a national or supranational level, from political parties, trade unions and civil associations. It endeavours to cast light on the factors which structure the Irish domestication of the conflict in the Middle East, be they historical and connected to the very identity of the Irish Republic and Northern Ireland, or strategic, diplomatic and religious. The political exploitation of the conflict in Irish republican propaganda from the beginning of the 1970s, bolstered by connections with Palestinian resistance movements, and the more recent pro-Israeli response particularly within Unionism, which have never been analysed together in a comparative way, are at the core of this research.

Dans la quête des pays du Sud de moyens de développement économiques en vue d'améliorer le bien-être collectif de leurs populations, ces dernières décennies ont connu une concurrence accrue entre les pays en développement pour attirer le plus grand volume d'investissement directs étrangers. Cette concurrence est devenue de plus en plus acharnée "race to the bottom" en raison de la difficulté accrue d'obtention de crédits auprès d'organismes de financement internationaux. Les investissements directs étrangers (IDE) constituent non seulement des sources de financement mais aussi un transfert de technologie et de savoir-faire industriel vers leurs économies. Une question centrale dans cette thèse, que nous avons tenté d'examiner en profondeur de manières théorique et empirique, consiste à comprendre les mécanismes qui ont engendré le phénomène d'IDE et les facteurs qui l'encouragent. Parmi les nombreux pays en développement qui ont tenté de préparer un terrain attrayant pour les IDE, certains ont moins bien réussi. Ceci n'a pas empêché une deuxième vague de pays de se précipiter vers ce phénomène, convaincus que les IDE sont le moteur du développement. C'est là que vient notre deuxième question centrale où nous tentons d'établir un lien entre les IDE et la croissance économique. Notre travail empirique classe les pays en cinq zones régionales tout en mettant un accent particulier sur les pays du Maghreb et du Moyen Orient. Nous montrons que, pour être attrayant aux IDE, un pays devait être politiquement stable, doté d'infrastructures suffisantes, d'institutions efficaces et d'une population éduquée. Par ailleurs, il existe des biais spécifiques à certaines régions. La région du Maghreb et du Moyen Orient, par exemple, souffre d'un biais défavorable à l'accueil d'IDE. Nous tenterons d'expliquer et d'analyser les causes de ce biais. Concernant le lien IDE-Croissance, nous montrons, toutes choses étant égales par ailleurs, que les IDE ne commencent à avoir un effet positif sur la croissance qu'à partir d'un certain seuil de niveau de capital humain de la population. / The quest for progress towards economic development in the countries of the South has increased competition between these nations in the last two decades, as they each try to attract the largest volume of FDI. This competition has become a race to the bottom due to the increased difficulties in obtaining credit. Many developing countries have attempted to attract FDI. Some have been less successful than others, in this regard; however this did not prevent a second group of countries undertaking the same policy. The decision makers seem to be convinced that FDI is the engine of development and the main question in this thesis is to better understand the phenomenon of FDI, its mechanisms and determinants. The second question is an assay to establish a link between FDI and economic growth. Our work classifies countries into five zones with an emphasis on the Maghreb and the Middle East. We show that to be attractive for FDI; a country should be politically stable, with adequate infrastructure, effective institutions and an educated population. Natural resources and bilateral investment treaties are decisive factors for the attraction of FDI. In addition, there are biases specific to certain regions. The Maghreb and the Middle East suffer from negative biases that are preventing this zone from attracting FDI. We try to explain and analyze the causes of this limited volume of FDI received. On the link FDI-growth, we found that FDI does not begin to have a positive effect on growth until there is a certain threshold level of human capital in the population.

This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.