En m'intéressant aux discours de deux groupes en opposition, les antipublicitaires et les publicitaires, j'ai tenté de construire une sociologie de leurs visions du monde et de rapprocher ces analyses des concepts d'idéologie et d'utopie. L'approche est qualitative, elle privilégie l'observation non participante auprès de collectifs militants et l'analyse de discours produits lors d'entretiens semi-directifs ou à l'occasion de publications des acteurs concernés. Ce travail sociologique s'organise autour du triptyque soi, l'autre, le monde. La vision de soi, ou encore le discours sur soi, en tant qu'individu et en tant que collectif, déploie les questions d'identification, d'efficacité, de plaisir, de vocation et d'engagement. A travers deux figures vocationnelles, celle du combattant et celle de l'artiste, l'acteur renforce son identité personnelle, dans le sens d'une définition de soi, en légitimant le rôle qu'il se donne au sein de la société. Ainsi, l'autolégitimation prend place dans la construction de la croyance collective et enclenche le processus de légitimation d'une conception du monde, qu'elle soit en accord ou en rupture avec le système existant. Le regard posé sur l'autre renvoie à une définition et une désignation de l'adversaire, mais le discours révèle aussi une certaine instrumentalisation de l'autre, l'autre pensé comme un moyen de se faire entendre et d'acquérir une légitimité aux yeux du public. Enfin, les notions qui se trouvent interrogées dans cette présentation de soi et de l'autre sont dès lors confrontées à un discours plus général, un regard sur le monde et la société. Le discours se fait constructeur d'évidences en affirmant ce qui est et ce qui doit être. La publicité devient ainsi l'élément sur lequel s'amorce une réflexion critique envers le système économique libéral. Idéologie et utopie sont ainsi analysées comme deux dynamiques à la fois opposées et complémentaires, comme si en fin de compte regarder le monde, c'était déjà mettre en œuvre une volonté de le mettre en ordre. / Interesting to me in speech two opposing groups, the activists and advertising professionals, i tried to construct a sociology of their worldviews and bring these analyzes concepts of ideology and utopia. The approach is qualitative, it favors the non-participant observation with community activists and discourse analysis products during semi-structured interviews or on the occasion of publications. This sociological work is organized around the triptych self, the other and the world. Vision itself, or the speech itself, as individuals and as a collective, deploys identification issues, efficiency, pleasure, purpose and commitment. Through vocational two figures, one of the fighter and that of the artist, actor reinforces its identity, in the sense of self-definition, legitimizing the role it gives to society. Thus, the self-legitimation takes place in the construction of collective belief and begins the process of legitimizing a view of the world, whether in agreement or break with the existing system. The gaze of the other refers to a definition and description of the opponent, but the speech also reveals some manipulation of the other, the other thought as a way to be heard and to gain legitimacy the public eye. Finally, the concepts are surveyed in the presentation of self and the other are therefore faced with a more general discourse, a view of the world and society. The speech is evidence of manufacturer stating what is and what should be. Advertising becomes the element that begins a critical towards the liberal economic system. Ideology and utopia are thus analyzed as two dynamic both opposite and complementary, as if ultimately look at the world, it was already implementing a willingness to put in order.

nÃo hà / Este estudo compreende a anÃlise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no perÃodo de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Cearà (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do SÃculo XIX, e mostro a relaÃÃo do impresso com a tradiÃÃo da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferÃncias e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaÃos pÃblicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao perÃodo da temÃtica. Avalio, ainda, a participaÃÃo do impresso nas eleiÃÃes e mostro a importÃncia do vespertino para difusÃo das prÃticas e idÃias comunistas. / This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of CearÃ, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas.

La thèse est menée dans le cadre d’une convention industrielle de formation par la recherche (Cifre) avec un cabinet d’études et de conseil spécialisé dans les relations sociales, l’analyse des enjeux contemporains du travail (organisation, conditions de travail, évolution des métiers, etc.) et de la stratégie des entreprises. Il réalise dans ce cadre des expertises demandées par les Institutions représentatives du personnel (Comités d’entreprise ou d’établissement, Chsct) dont l’appropriation par les représentants du personnel est marquée par une forte disparité. Cette recherche s’inscrit dans la suite d’une étude réalisée pour la Dares sur les savoirs des représentants du personnel qui a été réalisée en 2009 conjointement par le cabinet et le Ceperc où il est apparu que l’expertise tenait une place ambigüe dans le discours des représentants du personnel. Ceux-ci, bien que pensant l’expertise utile, ne l’identifient pas toujours comme une source de savoirs. A partir d’une réflexion sur la notion d’expertise, il s’agit dans ce travail de comprendre comment elle opère en connecteur entre le monde des militants du travail et le monde des experts auprès des IRP. La première partie de cette thèse cherche à circonscrire respectivement ces deux mondes tandis que la seconde partie se propose de les mettre en pratique à travers l’activité du cabinet et une enquête menée auprès des représentants du personnel. Les résultats ainsi obtenus, nous permettent de dégager des trajectoires d’appropriation en fonction du profil des militants, des catégories d’expertises et des savoirs. / The thesis is carried out as part of an industrial convention of a research training program (Cifre) with a consultancy firm specialized in social relationships, in the study of contemporary issues of work (organisation, working conditions, working evolution etc…) and in the companies’strategy. This firm carries expert assessments requested by the Institutions representing the staff (works council or joint consultative committee, Chsct) – an appropriation which is marked by a strong disparity. This investigation fits into a study line made by the Dares on the staff representatives acknowledgements which was made in 2009 by both the firm and the Ceperc. During this investigation, it appeared that the assessment had an ambiguous place in the speech of the staff representatives. Though they thought the investigation useful, they don’t always relate it to a source of knowledge. Beginning with a reflection on the notion of expertise, this work seeks to understand how expertise operates as a link between the world of militant workers and that of the experts working with representative bodies. The first part of my thesis tends to confine these two worlds distinctly, while the second offers to put them into practice through the activity of the practice and a survey conducted with the staff representatives. The results thus obtained allow us to bring out paths of appropriation depending on militants profile, categories of expertise and knowledge.

La présente thèse doctorale étude le cinéma homosexuel subversif en Espagne au cours des années soixante-dix et quatre-vingt, envisageant ainsi une catégorie cinématographique inédite jusqu'à présent dans l'historiographie espagnole spécialisée. Ce cinéma est constitué des films de thématique gay et lesbienne qui transmettent des messages dont l'objectif est de transgresser l'hétéronormativité via différentes façons d'extérioriser l'homosexualité, de présenter des identités sexuelles et de genre alternatives ou d'exposer des discours qui remettent en question les tabous sociaux, culturels et politiques relatifs à la sexualité. Pour toutes ces raisons, afin d'étudier cette nouvelle catégorie cinématographique il a été indispensable aussi d'analyser les contextes politiques et culturels dans desquels s'est déroulée l'histoire de l'homosexualité au cours de ces mêmes décennies. / This Thesis proposes the study of Subversive Homosexual Films in Spain during the decades of the Seventies and Eighties. Thus raising a new conematographic category within specialized Spanish historiography. This type of cinema is composed of gay and lesbian themed films which transmit discourses aimed to transgress heteronormativity using different ways of externalizing homosexuality; presenting alternatives gender and sexual identities or by raising messages that challenge social, cultural and politicians taboos towards sexuality. Therefore, for the study of this new filmic categoryin depth; it is essential to analyze the political and cultural contexts in which the history of homosexuality was developed during these decades.

The master thesis is focused on media campaign of Salafi militant organizations. These organizations organize their own campaigns to promote their objectives and formulate their own opinions, which they often spread through the Internet. This medium allows the organizations to fully customize their campaign's content, because it is not censored. The 21st century information environment has contributed significantly to making Salafi militant organizations international actors that should be taken into account. In addition, they are able to publish the content of their ideas in different languages while spreading them through several media to reach the widest possible audience. The main purpose of this diploma thesis is to determine whether the objectives of the organizations are reflected in their English-written magazines, namely Gaidi Mtaani and Dabiq, published by Al-Shabaab and Daesh respectively. The objectives of both organizations are divided into four categories, specifically, strategic religious objectives, strategic political objectives, fundamental objectives and intermediated objectives. Since the two organizations are dissimilar and their objections are distinct and therefore incomparable, each organization and its magazine are analyzed separately. The thesis does not seek to generalize...

This thesis explores the influence of far-right parties on constitutional democracies in Europe, focusing on their adherence to human rights standards and state obligations within the European legal framework. Against the backdrop of rising electoral support for far-right parties across Europe, this thesis aims to examine the common features of far-right party programs and assess the potential consequences of their actions on human rights and democratic values. The concept of militant democracy serves as a theoretical framework, examining the tension between democratic self-preservation and the exercise of individual human rights. Using the doctrinal method, the thesis presents a systematic analysis of existing legal materials, with anemphasis on the European legislative framework developed after World War II and its impact on European constitutional democracies. By grounding the study in the theoretical framework, it seeks to identify safeguards for the efficient functioning of democracy within contemporary legal settings.

It is important to direct resources to effective evidence- and value-based counter-radicalization strategies, especially within prisons. With the increasing threat ofviolence and terror from various violent extremist groups, such as Daesh, thefocus on prisons should be intensified. While radicalization within prisons was nota significant problem a decade ago, the new recruitment strategies from e.g.Daesh now pose a new challenge for prisons. This thesis identifies contemporaryliterature on radicalization, deradicalization, and violent extremism within aprison context. From this seven recurrent themes were identified: overcrowding,religious chaplains, sectioning, risk assessment, monitoring and supervision,rehabilitation programs and education of staff. This was then used to develop anassessment model, which was based on the Canadian Risk-Need-Responsivitymodel’s three core principles, for evaluating and conducting counterradicalizationstrategies. The assessment model was then used as a framework fora comparative analysis of the Danish and Swedish Prison and Probation Services’counter-radicalization strategies within prisons. The results show that bothcountries adhered to a degree to the assessment model and current literaturewithin the field. The results further reveal that there is a lack of empiricalevidence and data on radicalization and counter-radicalization within prisons, andthat the data available is somewhat outdated.

Researchers and policy experts point to key issues and groups such as the Palestinian/Arab Israeli Conflict, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Saudi exported Wahhabism, and, in more recent times, the Iraq wars as being the source of militant Islam in this day in age. However, this perspective ignores key issues and ideals in to how this new form of Islam has emerged in recent decades. For instance, with all the conflicts that have occurred in recent decades, except for the 1979 Revolution in Iran, why have they not yielded Shari'a inspired Islamic states in Yemen, Lebanon, the Occupied Territories and Iraq? Currently the only Islamic states in the Arab world are ones that lay on the Persian Gulf that were established during their independence from colonial rule. One only has to look further east and to the north of the Middle East to see militant Islam taking hold in places like Chechnya, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, Waziristan and a host of other areas which do not get the attention from many people in the West. After the demise of the Soviet Union and the years directly after, a political vacuum was formed that received almost no attention from the outside world except for states with historical and cultural similarities. Here Islam has and is being used as a military and political doctrine to accomplish goals and as an ideological base for launching new attacks against its proclaimed enemies. Indeed many of the key theologians and figures have come from the Arab world, but the rise of militant Islam could not have formed with this alone. Many of the fighters on the ground in alQaeda and its direct affiliated groups are indeed not Arabs but come from a wide range of different ethnic groups such as Afghans, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Uyghurs and Pakistanis who have answered bin Laden's call of lesser jihad against the West. Rather than examining militant Islam through a Middle Eastern perspective, this author wishes to give an alternate view that the current rise of militant Islam in the world is directly associated with the internal political situation of the Greater Caspian Sea Basin and not the Middle East as so many people have proposed in the past. To examine this idea, this author will look extensively at the internal conditions of states that have allowed militant Islam to arise and mature in such a short time span in this often forgotten region. The primary purpose of the proposed paper is to examine the rise of militant Islam through a Caspian Sea region lens rather than a Middle Eastern one. This study will also examine violent groups in various states to understand how groups are able to form and how they differ from each other. Countries ranging from as far as Turkey to the Xinxiang Province in China and from the southern reaches of the Russian Federation to Pakistan will be the primary focus.

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Ce mémoire portera sur le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma politique d’une manière générale dans un premier temps, puis plus spécifiquement dans l’oeuvre du cinéaste québécois Pierre Falardeau. Il s’agit donc d’abord de regarder comment, d’un point de vue historique, l’image fut réemployée dans le cinéma documentaire classique. Il sera ensuite question de la réutilisation de l’image à des fins politiques dans le cinéma expérimental à travers une analyse du found footage film. Dans un deuxième temps, nous verrons le réemploi d’images dans le cinéma militant, engagé politiquement (voire révolutionnaire) dans le cinéma d’Amérique latine (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas et Octavio Getino) et en France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker et Jean-Luc Godard). Par la suite, nous verrons comment Pierre Falardeau recyclera des images principalement dans trois de ses documentaires : Pea Soup, Speak White et Le temps des bouffons. Nous allons voir où il se situe dans les différentes traditions de réemploi d’images que nous avons vu précédemment et comment il se rapprochait et se distinguait de ses prédécesseurs. / This thesis is concerned with the reuse of images in political cinema in general and, specifically, in the work of Quebec filmmaker Pierre Falardeau. We will first see how, from a historical point of view, archival images have been recycled in traditional documentary and then how they were used or reused for political purposes in found footage experimental films. We will then discuss the use of found footage in militant or revolutionary cinema both in Latin America (Santiago Alvarez, Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino) and France (Guy Debord, Chris Marker and Jean-Luc Godard). We will then analyse Pierre Falardeau’s reuse of images in three of his documentaries: Pea Soup, Speak White and Le temps des bouffons. We will try and see how Falardeau fits within this tradition of the found footage film and the distinctive features of this aspect of his work.