Esta pesquisa busca, tendo como eixo principal Chris Marker e o filme Le fond de lair est rouge, fazer uma retrospectiva histórica dos principais debates na experiência do cinema-militante francês. Com um caráter introdutório e a partir daí construir alguns apontamentos iniciais para uma interpretação crítica do filme. Através desta aventura político-cinematográfica comentar um fragmento do que se oculta atrás das barricadas da memória. / This research aims, having as an leit-motif Chris Marker and the film Le fond de l\'air est rouge, making a historical retrospective of the major debates on the experience of French militant cinema, introductory in nature and serving as first notes to a critical interpretation of the film. Through this cinematics and politics adventure it trys to make a comment on a fragment of what is hidden behind the barricades of memory.

Ce mémoire analyse le caractére démagogique dans le discours et les actions du Sénateur James O. Eastland (1904-1986), qui a représenté l'État du Mississippi de 1942 à 1978. Eastland était un partisan reconnu de l'anticommunisme, ainsi que de la ségrégation raciale et de la suprématie de la race blanche. Nous démontrerons comment, afin d'entraver les actions du mouvement des droits civiques pour les Afro-Américains, le Sénateur invoquait de façon démagogique l'anticommunisme pour justifier ses opinions réactionnaires. Nous concentrerons notre recherche sur les années allant de 1948 à 1965, dans le contexte de la « chasse » aux Communistes et aussi de l'expansion du mouvement des droits civiques. Nous aborderons deux questions importantes dans notre projet : dans un premier temps, nous préciserons le degré réel d'influence du communisme chez les partisans du mouvement. Les accusations d'Eastland étaient-elles fondées? En fait, selon nous, l'idéologie communiste avait une influence trés limitée dans le mouvement des droits civiques durant cette période, car l'alliance avec les Communistes aurait fait plus de tort que de bien au mouvement. Ensuite, nous démontrerons quelle fut la place de ces accusations dans l'idéologie ultra-conservatrice du Sénateur Eastland, et à quel point elles furent utiles pour ses visées ségrégationnistes. Notre hypothèse sur cette question est qu'Eastland a stigmatisé ceux qui contestaient un tant soit peu la traditionnelle American Way of Life. Revendicateurs de leurs droits et libertés, les partisans du mouvement ont longtemps été étiquetés comme des radicaux. Nous analyserons et déterminerons si les discours d'Eastland, prononcés tant au Sénat que devant la presse, ou encore devant des partisans d'une organisation suprémaciste blanche, le White Citizens' Council, étaient de fait de caractère démagogique. Nous étudierons également l'impact préjudiciable d'Eastland au sein des commissions et sous-commissions sénatoriales, qui avaient entre autres pour fonction d'étudier les projets de loi, et de mener des enquêtes sur des individus et organisations considérés comme étant subversifs, ce qui conduisit à de multiples abus envers les militants des droits civiques. Nous pouvons conclure suite à notre recherche que les agissements du Sénateur Eastland étaient effectivement de nature démagogique, car les accusations qu'il a portées étaient calomnieuses et tendaient à exploiter les préjugés racistes de ses concitoyens. D'ailleurs, nous constatons que ces accusations constituèrent le moyen le plus efficace qu'Eastland a pu trouver pendant quelques années pour entraver efficacement le mouvement des droits civiques. Cependant, malgré ses efforts soutenus, Eastland ne parvint pas à contrer les changements sociaux des années 1960. Son combat était perdu d'avance: il n'aura réussi qu'à retarder l'inévitable. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : États-Unis, 20e siècle, Congrès, Ségrégation, Maccarthysme.

This thesis is a study of the Community Relations Department of the Southern Organizing Committee of the Congress of Industrial Organizations during the CIO’s Southern Organizing Drive, often referred to as “Operation Dixie.” The Community Relations Department was primarily interested in improving relations between organized labor and organized religion, in the hopes that improved church-labor relations would produce a situation more conducive to labor organizing, and reduce attacks on the CIO from religious leaders. This thesis examines the methods utilized by the CRD to achieve this end, and presents an analysis both of their efficacy and of their implementation. Specific programs that are explored are the CRD’s compilation, and publication, of various religiously themed pamphlets, the formation of Religion and Labor Fellowship groups, and the CRD’s relations with various anti-labor newspapers that made use of religious arguments to attack the CIO and Operation Dixie.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

La thèse s'attache à rendre compte des conditions pratiques et symboliques d'appropriation par les étudiants grévistes de la seconde moitié des années 2000 en France d'une forme d'organisation, l'assemblée générale (AG), qui fait partie de leur répertoire contestataire depuis les années 1960. Il s'agit ainsi de comprendre comment des formes d'action se reproduisent d'une mobilisation à l'autre, c'est-à-dire comment des acteurs en viennent à avoir recours à l'une plutôt qu'à d'autres qu'ils connaissent, comment ils en font l'apprentissage et comment ils la transforment à la marge en la pratiquant. Elle s'appuie principalement sur une enquête ethnographique menée sur les mobilisations qu'ont connu trois sites universitaires entre 2006 et 2010. Les usages des AG sont façonnés par les luttes internes aux groupes sociaux, politiques et syndicaux impliqués dans l'espace de ces mobilisations, de sorte que leur succès tient à la fois à une entreprise symbolique de justification de ces dernières au nom de la « démocratie » par des courants minoritaires, et à leur plasticité. Elles sont en effet investies de toute une palette de rôles – qui n'ont parfois rien à voir avec des normes « démocratiques ». Elles sont ainsi promues par des militants auxquelles elles permettent d'avoir le sentiment de peser sur une masse d'étudiants, et cela d'autant plus qu'ils appartiennent à de petites organisations qui sont loin de pouvoir mobiliser autant d'adhérents. / This dissertation illuminates the practical and symbolic conditions of appropriation of general assemblies (assemblées générales – AG) by striking students in the second half of the 2000s in France. This mode of organization has been part of their contentious repertoire since the 1960s. It tries to understand the recurrence of ways of action from a mobilization to another, that is, how actors come to resort to one of them instead of others they know, how they learn how to practice it and how they slightly transform it in the process. It is mostly based on an ethnographic investigation about the mobilizations of three higher education sites between 2006 and 2010. The uses of AG are shaped by internal conflicts among the social, political and union groups which are involved in the space of these mobilizations, so that their success stems from both the symbolic entreprise of justification of them in the sake of « democracy » by minority currents, and their plasticity. Indeed, they play a whole set of roles – which sometimes have nothing to do with « democratic » norms. They are promoted by activists to whom they give the feeling that they influence a mass of students, especially as they belong to organizations which are far from being able to mobilize as many members.

La thèse se positionne au croisement de la problématique de la publicisation des problèmes sociaux et de celle de la transformation des engagements militants. La recherche entend expliquer, par une double approche locale et internationale, l’essor de la participation associative depuis les années 1970 dans les quartiers populaires urbains situés en périphérie de Paris et de Buenos Aires. La première partie est consacrée à l’analyse des théories politiques du fait associatif et à leur insertion au sein d’une sociologie empirique de la participation associative. La généalogie de la notion de société civile est mise en relation avec l’avènement de la démocratie moderne afin d’inscrire l’essor associatif des dernières décennies dans une perspective historique de longue portée. Notre approche de la participation associative est ensuite explicitée en référence à trois grandes thématiques du fait associatif : le tiers secteur, le capital social et l’engagement militant.La deuxième partie articule la participation associative avec les transformations socio-économiques des classes populaires et le développement des politiques sociales territorialisées. L’analyse d’une association dans le territoire français illustre d’abord les possibilités offertes par la désagrégation du système politique communiste des « banlieues rouges » et l’intervention croissante de l’État dans les quartiers populaires au travers de la politique de la ville. L’étude de l’activité et du fonctionnement de cette association, des années 1980 aux années 2000, met en lumière à la fois la capacité des acteurs à s’auto-organiser en référence à un problème public local et les tensions générées par la relation partenariale avec les pouvoirs publics. En Argentine, les conséquences de la fragilisation de la société salariale sur les formes de sociabilités populaires dans la périphérie urbaine de Buenos Aires sont analysées au travers d’une association qui s’inscrit dans le prolongement du mouvement social des travailleurs au chômage (piqueteros). Le rôle d’intermédiaire des politiques sociales joué par cette association permet de questionner les liens qui unissent ces organisations populaires aux pouvoirs publics et le possible redéploiement des réseaux politiques clientélaires du péronisme.La troisième partie s’attache à analyser la participation associative en relation avec les évolutions des principaux partis politiques des classes populaires et les changements intervenus dans les configurations politiques locales. Dans le cas français, les phénomènes de désengagement communiste et de désarticulation des « organisations satellites » du parti sont intégrés à l’analyse d’une association regroupant d’anciens militants communistes. Les trajectoires de ces militants et le fonctionnement de cette association permettent de cerner les raisons d’un changement dans les formes d’engagement et de s’interroger sur le processus d’autonomisation des associations locales à l’égard des systèmes politiques. Dans le cas argentin, la recomposition des liens entre le parti justicialiste et les classes populaires est questionnée au travers de l’analyse d’une association fondée par des militants péronistes dans le contexte d’un discrédit des institutions politiques. L’adaptation de ces militants politiques à la forme associative illustre les changements dans les modalités d’engagement et permet une réflexion sur la proximité entre les associations locales et les partis politiques. / This thesis is situated at the intersection of two historical phenomena: the publicization of social problems and the transformation of activist commitment. The research undertaken has sought to explain, through an approach that is both local and international in scope, the rise of grassroots volunteering since the 1970s in working-class urban neighborhoods on the periphery of Paris and Buenos Aires. The first part presents an analysis of the various political theories which relate to the voluntary movement, and discusses their place within an empirical sociological study of grassroots volunteering. The intellectual genealogy of the notion of civil society is considered in relation to the appearance of modern democracy, in order to situate the rise of volunteerism in recent decades within a larger historical perspective. Attention is given to the emergence of three characteristic themes: the third sector, social capital, and activism. The second part relates volunteerism to socio-economic transformations within the working class and to the development of social policy at the local community level. The study of grassroots organization in France reveals the importance of possibilities created by the breakdown of the communist political system in certain Paris suburbs (banlieues rouges) along with increased state intervention in working-class neighborhoods through urban policy initiatives. An analysis of the activities and the workings of the grassroots organizations which appeared in these neighborhoods between the 1980s and the 2000s, reveals that these organizations had the capacity to self-organize for the purpose of addressing public problems at a local level, and that tensions resulted from partnership arrangements with local public authorities. In Argentina, consequences of the labor society’s weakening in terms of working-class social solidarity in neighborhoods on the outskirts of Buenos Aires are analyzed through the prism of grassroots organizations operating in the wake of social movements among unemployed workers (piqueteros). The grassroots organization’s role as an intermediary for social policy raises questions concerning the link between these popular movements and public authorities, and the possible redeployment of Peronist corporatism. The third part relates volunteer participation to historical transformations within the principal working-class political parties and to the changes observed in the local political landscape. In France, popular withdrawal from communism and the disassociation of the Party’s former “satellite organizations” are considered through an analysis of a grassroots organization composed primarily of former communist partisans. Their personal trajectories as activists, as well as the workings of their organization, reveal the causes of a change in the operative forms of political commitment and give rise to questions concerning the processes by which these local organizations are made autonomous of political systems. In Argentina, new links emerging between the Justicialist party and the working class are considered through the study of an organization founded by Peronist partisans in a context where political institutions are represented as lacking legitimacy. The adaptation of these political activists to grassroots volunteerism is likewise indicative of changes in the operative forms of political commitment and gives rise to questions concerning the proximity between grassroots organizations and political parties.

The thesis deals with right-wing extremism in the context of democracy. In the first part, democracy, its development and basic values are characterised. The following part describes extremism and its rudimentary typology, historical roots of right-wing extremism and its strategy. The final part focuses on the fight of democracy against extremism. In this part, possible anti-extremist measures are proposed, including critical reflections on the principles of right-wing extremism. Furthermore, a concept of so-called militant democracy is introduced, along with the analysis of its application in the Czech Republic and its critical reflection.

LIMA NETO, Ildefonso Rodrigues. Escrita subversiva: O Democrata (1946-1947). 2006. 283 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-25T15:48:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-06-25T16:02:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-25T16:02:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_IRLNeto.pdf: 1577781 bytes, checksum: 3f7d034ecb339604f7da2f87f02afd8d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / This study approaches an analysis of the communist newspaper "O Democrata" (in English "The Democrat"), during 1946 and 1947, in Fortaleza-CE, Brazil. It is aimed to recover paths of the transgressing press in the State of Ceará, from the beginning of the 19th century. It is shown the relation between traditional and subversive written press. This study also approaches documents from interference perspectives and public places where they were sold in Fortaleza. From the main source of the research, it is intended to amplify the comprehension of the speech by the use of oral sources and documents during the years of 1946 and 1947. It is also evaluated the contribution of the written press during the election period and the importance of the evening newspaper in order to diffuse the communist ideas. / Este estudo compreende a análise do jornal comunista O Democrata, no período de 1946 e 1947, na cidade de Fortaleza-Ceará (Brasil). Procuro recuperar o trajeto da imprensa transgressora no Estado, a partir do final do Século XIX, e mostro a relação do impresso com a tradição da escrita subversiva. Neste trabalho, abordo o documento dentro da perspectiva das interferências e a circularidade do mesmo nos espaços públicos da cidade. A partir da fonte principal de pesquisa, tento ampliar a leitura da escrita fazendo uso das fontes orais e documentos relativos ao período da temática. Avalio, ainda, a participação do impresso nas eleições e mostro a importância do vespertino para difusão das práticas e idéias comunistas.

The present research had the purpose of investigating the life trajectory of Ofenísia Soares Freire, highlighting the paths of his educational formation and his educational practices in Atheneu Sergipense (1941-1966), as well as to analyze his involvement in the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) And how this reflected in the teaching career. The theoretical - methodological procedure adopted is linked to Cultural History. In this sense, the main categories of analysis are: biographical approach (2006); social capital, cultural capital, symbolic capital of Pierre Bourdieu (2004, 2007); and the document concept of Jacques Le Goff (1990). We use documentary sources located in the CEMAS - Center of Education and Memory of the Atheneu Sergipense (Cadernets, Correspondences, Student Arcadia, Press, Records, Books of Records, Library of Epiphany Dória (Official Journal and Journal reason), IHGSE - Historical and Geographic Institute of Sergipe (Sergipe Journal, Correio de Aracaju Journal, Official Diary, Decrees), Personal collection of the family of Ofenísia Soares Freire (Curriculum, photographs, decree), Sergipana Academy of Letters (Discourses, publications in magazines). We also refer to the oral sources through the reports of his former students and people from his conviviality. Ofenísia Soares Freire was born in Estância-SE in December of 1913. She moved to Aracaju to study at the Nossa Senhora Sant'Anna School. After completing his studies in primary school, she entered the Rui Barbosa Normal School, concluding in 1930. She taught in some schools in Aracaju and ended her teaching career at Atheneu Sergipense in 1966, when she retired. Thus, the study highlights the performance of Ofenísia Soares Freire in the educational scenario of Sergipe and its contributions to the History of Education. / A presente pesquisa teve o propósito de investigar a trajetória de vida de Ofenísia Soares Freire, destacando os caminhos da sua formação educacional e de suas práticas educativas no Atheneu Sergipense (1941-1966), bem como analisar seu envolvimento no Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) e como isso refletiu na carreira docente. O procedimento teórico - metodológico adotado vincula-se à História Cultural. Neste sentido, as principais categorias de análise são: abordagem biográfica (2006); capital social, capital cultural, capital simbólico de Pierre Bourdieu (2004, 2007); e o conceito de documento de Jacques Le Goff (1990). Utilizamos fontes documentais localizadas no CEMAS – Centro de Educação e Memória do Atheneu Sergipense (Cadernetas, Correspondências, Arcádia Estudantil, Imprensa, Atas, Livros de Registros, Livro de Ponto), Biblioteca Epifânio Dória (Diário Oficial e Jornal A razão), IHGSE – Instituto Histórico e Geográfico de Sergipe (Sergipe Jornal, Jornal Correio de Aracaju, Diário Oficial, Decretos), Acervo pessoal da família de Ofenísia Soares Freire (Currículo, fotografias, decreto), Academia Sergipana de Letras (Discursos, publicações em revistas). Recorremos também às fontes orais por intermédio de relatos dos seus ex-alunos e de pessoas do seu convívio. Ofenísia Soares Freire nasceu em Estância-SE em dezembro de 1913. Mudou-se para Aracaju para estudar no Colégio Nossa Senhora Sant’Anna. Após concluir seus estudos no curso primário, ingressou na Escola Normal Rui Barbosa, concluindo em 1930. Lecionou em alguns estabelecimentos de ensino de Aracaju e encerrou sua atividade docente no Atheneu Sergipense, em 1966, com sua aposentadoria. Dessa forma, o estudo destaca a atuação de Ofenísia Soares Freire no cenário educacional sergipano e suas contribuições para a História da Educação.

Esta pesquisa busca, tendo como eixo principal Chris Marker e o filme Le fond de lair est rouge, fazer uma retrospectiva histórica dos principais debates na experiência do cinema-militante francês. Com um caráter introdutório e a partir daí construir alguns apontamentos iniciais para uma interpretação crítica do filme. Através desta aventura político-cinematográfica comentar um fragmento do que se oculta atrás das barricadas da memória. / This research aims, having as an leit-motif Chris Marker and the film Le fond de l\'air est rouge, making a historical retrospective of the major debates on the experience of French militant cinema, introductory in nature and serving as first notes to a critical interpretation of the film. Through this cinematics and politics adventure it trys to make a comment on a fragment of what is hidden behind the barricades of memory.