The doctoral thesis The Argentine Army as an Economic Factor focuses on civil-military relations that are key to understanding the history, the development of modern society, and even the reality of current Argentina. The main myth that characterizes Argentine history is that the interruption of the development of the democratic processes is due to military interventions. Both in Argentine society and in the international sphere, there is a purely negative opinion about the Argentine military, in particular related to the shock caused by the last military dictatorship. This sentiment still permeates the cultural and moral face of society. This paper offers another vision of the Argentine military and tries to contribute to overcome an overly simplified perception and the prejudice that derives from it. The first part of the paper examines the emergence of military power and the characteristics of the political system in the first half of the 20th century. This section points out the causes for which the Army overstepped its specific functions and entered into the political life of Argentina. The second part is devoted to the Argentine economic system and its characteristics, from its insertion in the global market and its development through the economic policies of various governments. This...

In connection with its foreign policy, the European Union was until 2003 often seen as an actor lacking basically any "hard" power and it was often labeled as a "normative" power, "civilian" power etc. However, a group of scholars led by Ian Manners has been claiming that in connection with the adoption of the European Security Strategy in December 2003 the EU has lost its "soft" characteristics and has moved closer towards a traditional military actor. The master thesis deals with this issue of the alleged militarization of the Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) after 2003/2004 while focusing on one particular area of the CFSP - the policy of restrictive measures or sanctions. This area is unique because of its special characteristic: on one hand, sanctions as such represent a "hard", coercive foreign policy tool and on the other, the EU has been autonomously using them already since the 1980s. The question therefore is what the frequent use of sanctions implies about the character of the EU and whether does the policy of restrictive measures stand, as a matter of principle, in opposition to being a "soft" power. By means of discourse analysis of the official EU sanction documents and by using the case of Burma (which represents a "typical case"), the thesis attempts to demonstrate,...

欲瞭解一個國家的行為，就必須要瞭解這個國家的整體行為，而這整體的行為所表現者，即是「文化」。從戰略文化的研究途徑做一切入點，正可深入瞭解一個國家戰爭的行為，甚而可以預測未來戰爭的發生。而維繫國防安全的軍人自當對中共戰略與戰爭模式，應有相當的了解與認知；也希望藉著對戰略文化的瞭解，探照中共對外戰爭實例，探尋中共對外戰爭的模式，進而提供國防戰略因應對策，才不愧於自己的職責所在。 就中華民國的生存發展而言，海峽對岸的中共無疑是我生存發展的最大威脅，而兩岸在軍事武力的不對稱下，中共時時以「不放棄武力」，極盡挑釁之威脅，而台灣除了默默軍事備戰外，在政治，外交生存上，也只能低調回應，這也可看出中共武力對台已具有足夠的軍事力量解決統一台灣問題。目前兩岸之間最大的障礙是由領土主權爭議所衍生的問題，而領土主權問題又很容易引起戰爭，在這種壓力下，台灣將如何去面對，這是一門重要的課題。國內學術界對於兩岸關係的研究，多偏向政策方面而較少理論方面的探討，其實，藉由理論層面的研究而詮釋海峽兩岸互動過程與未來發展，有助於強化政策建議的內涵與深度，觀諸台海兩岸未來的安全發展，若能以戰略文化研究途徑，作為觀察的理論基礎，對於台海武力衝突的可能性，及中共對於使用武力的政治目的、手段與效用或許能提供新的詮釋與政策建議，由於潛在的戰略文化，會使決策者的戰略偏好及使用兵力解決爭議的傾向產生影響，因此，武力在未來台海安全的發展中，仍會是一個關鍵的重要角色，所以透過對中共戰略文化內涵的分析與掌握的研究途徑，進而對其軍事戰略與對外戰爭模式加以研究，期能深入瞭解中共在何種情況下，會不惜一切的以戰爭來解決問題，進而思考台海雙方在既有戰略思維下審慎避免誤判或誤認，讓動武甚至檫槍走火的意外情勢均不會發生；以提供吾人從事國家安全政策及國防戰略規劃相關人員參考研究與運用。 / In order to understand the behavior of a country, it is necessary to learn its behavior in a macro scale, and the representation of such behaviors is known as the “Culture”. From the strategic culture perspective, it provides an in-depth understanding of a country’s use of military forces, as well as the prediction of future wars. Especially for the military personnel who are the key to the national security, they shall have the understanding and knowledge to the People’s Republic of China’s initiation on wars; through the study of strategic culture, examples of PRC’s use of military power, research of PRC’s initiation on wars, I shall fulfill my duty by providing recommendation towards the national security strategies in order to protect the country. To the Republic of China, the PRC from the cross strait is the biggest threat to our country’s survival and development, under the unbalance of military power, PRC constantly provokes and threatens by stating “not giving up the use of force”. In contrast, Taiwan is much more low-profile in the military preparation, politics, and diplomacy. This is a strong indicator that the PRC’s military force has the capability and could to use its power to unify Taiwan. Currently the biggest obstacle between the two sides is the territorial dispute from sovereignty, and it is a subject that can easily trigger wars. It is an important subject for Taiwan to deal with under pressure. Many of the existing academic researches focus on the policy aspect and less on the theoretical perspective. In fact, through the theoretical interpretation of cross-strait interaction and future development can strengthen the content and depth of policy recommendations, and the future safety development. Through the use of strategic culture as the research methodology, it will identify the probability of cross-strait conflict, the PRC’s political execution of military power, tactics, and effectiveness. This strategic cultural perspective may provide new definition and policy recommendation, as it studies the decision maker’s strategic preferences and their tactics. Therefore, the military power plays a significant role in the development of the cross-strait safety, and by analyzing the PRC’s strategic culture and research of its military strategy and war mode, will provide in-depth understanding of the circumstances under which the PRC will stop at nothing to solve the problem with war, and to avoid misunderstanding or misinterpretation through the strategic culture from both sides. This will further prevent wars from occurred by accidents: hence, this national security policy and defense strategic referencing may provide values to be researched and utilized by the associated members.

Små gröna män –  Början på ett nytt paradigm för det svenska militära maktmedlet?  Nyttjandet av det svenska militära maktmedlet, Försvarsmakten, har alltid varit intimt förknippat med hur svenska politiker uppfattat sin omgivning. I tider av liten militär hotbild har relevansen av det militära maktmedlet minskat kontra andra maktmedel och Sverige har haft förmånen att kunna bidra aktivt till global säkerhet genom deltagande i internationella operationer. I tider av en ökad hotbild har relevansen ökat och nyttjandet blivit mer inåtriktat med fokus på försvaret av Sverige. Detta arbete tar sin utgångpunkt i hur dessa säkerhetspolitiska förändringar påverkar relevansen och nyttjandet av det svenska militära maktmedlet.  Undersökningen analyserar hur den politiska sfären beskriver hotbilder och på vilket sätt det militära maktmedlet nyttjas. Syftet med att nyttja militära maktmedlet kan vara inåtriktat eller utåtriktat. Jämförelseperioderna och data för detta arbete utgörs av Försvarsberedningens rapporter år 2003 och 2017. Vid genomförandet av den kvalitativa analysen nyttjas Barry Buzan m.fl. vidgade säkerhetsbegrepp avseende hot inom olika sektorer. Den andra delen av analysen nyttjar Nils Andréns teorier om inåt- och utåtriktade aktiviteter som en stat vidtar för att skydda sin nation, härvid är fokus på det militära maktmedlets nyttjande. Analysen påvisar en tydlig hotförändring mellan de två tidpunkterna och samtidigt ett tydligt förändrat nyttjande av det militära maktmedlet. Hotbilden har rört sig från ett fokus på global terror till ett konfrontatoriskt Ryssland. Denna nya tydliga hotbild har också lett till en relevansförskjutning till förmån för det militära maktmedlet. I samma tidsperspektiv sker en nyttjandeförskjutning för det militära maktmedlet, till ett nationellt fokus dock med ett bibehållet internationellt engagemang. Den politiska sfären förväntar sig att Försvarsmakten löser sina uppgifter tillsammans med andra. Detta oavsett om det gäller försvaret av det egna territoriet eller internationella insatser. I linje med detta har Totalförsvaret åter fått en given plats i säkerhetspolitiken. / Little green men –  The beginning of a new paradigm for Swedish military power?  Usage of the Swedish military power, the Swedish armed forces, has always been intimately connected to how Swedish politicians interpret their surroundings. In times when there is a lack of threat to the state the relevance of the military power diminishes when compared to other security policy tools. During such times Sweden has had the opportunity and the will to contribute to global security, non the least by contributing to international and multi-dimensional operations, mainly to combat global terrorism. During times of a rise in threat towards the state the relevance of the military power and a more coherent attitude of defending the nation is natural. This essay use this as the starting point in how these security policy changes affects the relevance for and the usage of the Swedish military power. The essay analyzes how the political establishment describes threats to the state and in what shape or form the military power is used. Is it used as a tool for portraying security with an internal purpose or is it used for external purposes. For the analysis we compare Swedish defense board reports from 2003 and 2017. The work uses Barry Buzan et.al in regard to the wider security concept, consisting mainly of use of sectors and threats within sectors. The second part of the analysis uses Nils Andréns theories of internally and externally focused activities from a state with the purpose of securitizing the state. The focus of the internal and external activities is focused on the usage of the military power.   The analysis clearly shows a change of threat between the two time periods, as well as a clear change in the usage of military power. The threat has developed from a focus on global terrorism to a hostile Russia. This change of the threat environment seems to have changed the relevance of military power in comparison with other security policy measures. During the same timeframe a shift of the use of the military power occurs. From participating in international military operations in all dimensions to a national focus with the defense of the state as the top priority. One paradox is obvious, the national focus does not diminish the will to continue participating in international operations. One effect of the changed threat assessment and the diversity of tasks that follow, leads to the need for the military power to work together with others, within the nation and with other nations.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

Ce mémoire analyse la stratégie d’affirmation de puissance mise en oeuvre par la Chine dans le contexte post-Guerre froide, caractérisé par la seule superpuissance des États-Unis, en utilisant le cadre théorique du réalisme offensif. Challenger désigné des États-Unis, la Chine a basculé dans le 21ème siècle avec un défi important à relever. La prépondérance américaine continue d’être une donnée essentielle dans le système politique mondial. Les États-Unis produisent plus du quart du total de l’économie mondiale et comptent pour près de la moitié des dépenses militaires. La Chine, de son côté, avec ses 1.3 milliards d’habitants, une croissance économique quasiexponentielle, dotée d’un arsenal nucléaire conventionnel, est la principale puissance émergente, avec le potentiel de rivaliser avec les États-Unis dans les affaires mondiales. Mais, vu l’énorme écart qui les sépare, pour la Chine la question de l’hégémonie américaine se pose sous la forme d’une équation dont la seule variable connue est le potentiel de l’adversaire à affronter. Le principal problème auquel la Chine est confrontée est dès lors sa capacité de penser une stratégie sans toutefois courir le risque de provoquer la seule superpuissance du globe. Par conséquent, cette étude analyse les politiques et actions stratégiques développées par la Chine à la lumière des contraintes que lui impose un environnement international peu favorable. Elle s’intéresse en particulier à la manière dont Beijing a su exploiter avec maestria une des armes les plus redoutables de l’ère post-Guerre froide, sa puissance économique, afin de consolider son ascension au rang de grande puissance. Elle soutient que, tenant compte d’un retard considérable à combler, la Chine a entrepris de balancer la superpuissance américaine d’une manière pragmatique. A cet effet, elle a conçu une stratégie qui comprend deux grands piliers : sur le plan interne, des réformes économiques et militaires ; sur le plan externe, une diplomatie agressive et efficace en adéquation avec ses ambitions de puissance. Nous concluons qu’une telle stratégie vise à éviter à la Chine pour le moment tout risque de confrontation directe qui aurait pour principal effet de nuire à son ascension. Cependant, à mesure que sa puissance s’accroît, elle pourrait afficher une posture plus agressive, quitte à engager également, avec la seule superpuissance du monde, des compétitions de nature sécuritaire en Asie et au-delà de cette région. / This research analyzes the power strategy implemented by China in the post-cold war context characterized by an only superpower, the United States, by using offensive realism as a theoretical framework. Designated challenger of the United States, China tilted into the 21st century with an important challenge to confront. The American ascendancy continues to be an essential fact in the world political system. The United States produces more than one fourth of the total of the world economy and counts for nearly half of the military expenditures. China, for its part, with 1.3 billion inhabitants, a quasi-exponential economic growth, endowed with a conventional nuclear arsenal, is the main emerging power, with the potential to compete with the United States in world affairs. But, considering the enormous gap separating them, for China the question of the American hegemony arises under the shape of an equation, the only known variable of which is the potential of its adversary. The main problem China then faces is its ability to think of a strategy without however running a risk of provoking the only superpower of the globe. Consequently, this work analyzes the policies and the strategic actions developed by China in light of the constraints imposed by a less favorable international environment. Its main focus is how Beijing exploited with great panache one of the most redoubtable weapons of the post-cold war era, its economic power, to strengthen its ascent to the rank of major power. It contends that, taking into account a considerable delay to catch up, China began to balance the American superpower in a pragmatic way. To that purpose, it conceived a strategy which includes two main pillars: internally, economic and military reforms; externally, an aggressive and effective diplomacy in adequacy with its power ambitions. This analysis concludes that the aim of china’s strategy is to avoid for the moment every risk of direct confrontation which would have for main effect to damage its rise. However, as its power increases, it might tend to show a more aggressive posture, even if it means also engaging, with the only superpower of the world, in competitions of a security nature in Asia and beyond this region.

Why do strong states, despite their far superior military capabilities, experience increasing difficulties in defeating small states in asymmetric conflicts? In this thesis I develop a conceptual framework based on Keohane & Nye's theory of complex interdependence, in which I argue that the increased degree of mutual interdependence among strong states leads to decreased cost-tolerance when exercising military power. This, in turn, leads to power being exercised in other forms such as different types of sanctions, influence on political agendas or through political pressure made possible by asymmetric vulnerabilities. The conceptual framework is tested with descriptive statistics and multiple linear regression on all 118 cases of asymmetric conflicts fought between 1945 and 2003. The results challenge existing knowledge about factors such as the importance of military power, troop commitment, external support, the nature of government and freedom of the press. At the same time, risks are identified in small states’ strategies that are based on external support. The result of the study indicates that such strategies lead to increased cost-tolerance among strong intervening states.

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