Au Pérou comme ailleurs, les industries extractives sont au cœur de projets gouvernementaux et d’épisodes contestataires qui semblent entretenir un rapport fondamentalement antagoniste. Cette thèse développe une approche par le bas, à l’échelle des interactions en face-à-face et du quotidien des personnes impliquées, afin de dépasser les lectures dualistes qui opposent des dominants omnipotents à des dominés unanimement résistants. À partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée aux abords de la plus ancienne concession pétrolière de l’Amazonie péruvienne, cette recherche analyse conjointement la contestation et le gouvernement des populations, les ajustements réciproques entre des modalités de (re)production d’un ordre social aux frontières du territoire et des pratiques protestataires qui mettent en difficulté un projet de gouvernement. Les habitants de l’Amazonie et leurs représentants, quand ils contestent la pollution industrielle, invoquent l’État comme responsable, arbitre et solution. En faisant s’« asseoir l’État » dans leurs villages, en la personne de ses représentants, pour faire entendre leurs griefs, ils contribuent à asseoir le pouvoir étatique aux confins de la nation, à affermir son assise territoriale, symbolique et pratique. Ce qui se donne à voir, dans le quotidien des villages, de leur voisinage avec le monde industriel, comme dans l’extraordinaire des épisodes protestataires, est finalement une co-production de l’État par les habitants des confins du territoire, leurs représentants contestataires et leurs interlocuteurs gouvernementaux, dans le jeu des ajustements réciproques entre la contestation et l’institution de l’ordre extractif. / In Peru and elsewhere, extractive industries are at the core of governmental projects and of mobilizations that seem to oppose frontally. However, a focus from the bottom-up, at the level of face-to-face interactions and involved people’s daily life, confirms the necessity to overcome the idea of an absolute dichotomy between the omnipotent dominant and the unanimously-resisting dominated. Based on an ethnography of the oldest oil concession’s surroundings in the Peruvian Amazon, this research analyses jointly protest and government of populations, reciprocal adjustments between modalities of (re)production of a social order at the national boundaries and practices of protest that seem to threaten governmental projects. Amazonia’s inhabitants and their representatives, when they protest against industrial contamination, invoke the state as the cause of the problem, the mediator as well as the solution. They “sit the state down” in the villages, through its representatives, to whom they express their grievances. In this way, they contribute to consolidating state power at the edge of the nation, to establishing its territorial, symbolical and practical bases. The daily life of the villages, their vicinity with the industrial world, as well as extraordinary moments of protest, eventually unveil the coproduction of the state by the inhabitants of the borders, by their representatives and by the governmental spokesperson, in the intertwining of protest and institution of extractive order.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-06-28T17:59:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 mariaribeirodesouza.pdf: 2045000 bytes, checksum: 99c4c5ac194c6a5296f734149ea35994 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-07T21:46:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mariaribeirodesouza.pdf: 2045000 bytes, checksum: 99c4c5ac194c6a5296f734149ea35994 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-07T21:46:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mariaribeirodesouza.pdf: 2045000 bytes, checksum: 99c4c5ac194c6a5296f734149ea35994 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente estudo trata-se de uma pesquisa de mestrado vinculada ao Programa de Pós-Graduação de Psicologia da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora que aborda as temáticas: juventude pobre e participação política no contexto de uma Organização Não Governamental. A pesquisa teve como objetivo geral analisar os discursos sobre o protagonismo juvenil que atravessam práticas socioculturais vivenciadas por jovens da Zona da Mata Mineira e seus desdobramentos para a participação política juvenil. Como delineamento metodológico optou-se pela abordagem qualitativa, exploratória de inspiração etnográfica, sob a forma de estudo de caso. A investigação teve como foco de análise dois projetos sociais desenvolvidos por uma ONG, que envolvem duas expressões culturais: a música (cuja modalidade é o rap) e a dança (que abarca as modalidades do hip hop, funk e axé). Os espaços territoriais nos quais os projetos se desenvolvem, são o centro da cidade e uma periferia, respectivamente. Para o desenvolvimento do estudo foi adotado como referencial teórico as obras de Michel Foucault e suas perspectivas metodológicas de Análise do Discurso. Para ampliar as possibilidades de interação e compreensão das dinâmicas sociais, foram utilizadas diferentes ferramentas, tais como: observação participante, entrevistas semiestruturadas e grupos focais. No recorte realizado para esta dissertação as análises construídas se concentraram em torno de três eixos analíticos, a saber: 1) Aspectos psicossociais e vulnerabilidades vivenciadas pelos/pelas jovens; 2) Análise das perspectivas dos colaboradores que atuam na ONG sobre o protagonismo juvenil; 3) Os efeitos de poder das práticas desenvolvidas pela ONG para a participação política dos/das jovens. Através do desenvolvimento do estudo pôde-se constatar que as vivências juvenis e as possibilidades da emergência dos/das jovens enquanto agentes da ação política estão atravessadas por hierarquias, tanto no contexto interno das práticas desenvolvidas quanto externas a elas, o que aponta para a necessidade de se considerar os atravessamentos dos marcadores sociais que ao mesmo tempo em que forjam a construção de identidades coletivas funcionam como eixos de subordinação. Por meio do olhar interseccional foi possível verificar que no âmbito das práticas socioculturais pesquisadas modos de governo e cooptação dos/das jovens se conflitam com possibilidades de agenciamentos e resistências frente a situações de subordinação e opressões. / The present study is a master's degree research linked to the Psychology Postgraduate Program of the Federal University of Juiz de Fora that deals with the themes: poor youth and political participation in the context of a Non-Governmental Organization. The research had as general objective analyze the discourses about youth protagonism that crosses socio-cultural practices experienced by young people from Zona da Mata Mineira and its consequences for youth political participation. As a methodological delineation, was chosen the qualitative approach, exploratory of ethnographic inspiration in form of case study. The investigation had as analysis focus, two social projects developed by a NGO, involving two cultural expressions: music (whose modality is rap) and dance (including the modalities of hip hop, funk and axé). The territorial spaces in which the projects were developed, are the center of the city and one periphery, respectively. For the development of the study was adopted as a theoretical reference the works of Michel Foucault and his methodological perspectives of Discourse Analysis. To expand the possibilities of interaction and understanding of social dynamics, were used different tools such as: participant observation, semi-structured interviews and focus groups. In the delimitation for this dissertation, the constructed analyzes were focused around three analytical axes, namely: 1) Psychosocial aspects and vulnerabilities experienced by young people; 2) Analysis of the perspectives of the collaborators who works in the NGO about the youth protagonism; 3) The effects of power of practices developed by the NGO for the political participation of young people. Through the study development, it was possible to verify that the youth experiences and the emergence possibilities of young people as agents of political action are traversed by hierarchies, both in the internal context of the developed practices as the external of them, which points to the need to consider the crossings of social markers that at the same time forge the construction of collective identities, operate as subordination axes. Through the cross-sectional view, it was possible to verify that in the scope of the researched socio-cultural practices, the modes of government and co-optation of the youths conflict with the possibilities of assemblages and resistances in front of situations of subordination and oppression.

L’institution municipale est restée à l’écart des recherches menées en histoire sur le 19e siècle sinon sous l’angle d’une prosopographie des maires et sous celui des élections municipales de la monarchie de Juillet. Les apports des autres sciences sociales – sociologie, anthropologie, ethnologie – ont renouvelé les approches, ainsi que l’histoire sociale fine. Cette recherche propose une analyse sociale et politique de cette institution, inscrite sur la longue durée (1800-1940) et sur un terrain resserré (un arrondissement et plus particulièrement cinq communes). Au moyen de bases de données relationnelles permettant une agrégation des données à différentes échelles de temps et d’espaces, elle vise à identifier les édiles (maires, adjoints, conseillers municipaux) pour eux-mêmes, dans une approche prosopographique, puis relativement pour définir leur représentativité (échelle de l’arrondissement) et pour les inscrire dans les relations qu’ils entretiennent avec les autres acteurs de la vie municipale (échelle communale).Cette analyse permet de mettre au jour une institution municipale que les villageois se sont appropriés au cours du 19e siècle, en reconnaissant une autorité au maire qui s’est construite d’abord dans l’opposition à celle du desservant et qui dépasse le cadre donné par la loi. De fait, les outrages à leur encontre sont peu nombreux et permettent d’appréhender non les limites de l’autorité consentie à la fonction mais le défaut d’exercice de son dépositaire. De même, les élections municipales font l’objetd’une préparation, d’une mobilisation et d’un contrôle – parfois jusqu’à la protestation électorale qui constitue alors un troisième tour – qui donnent la légitimité aux élus.L’identification des édiles a également permis de nuancer le portrait qu’il en est généralement dressé : s’il existe bien des familles éligibles parfois très anciennement implantées dans les communes d’exercice, la part de conseillers municipaux mobiles reste forte pendant tout le 19e siècle avant de se réduire progressivement. La reconstitution des carrières municipales montre aussi que l’accession au conseil municipal n’est pas définitivement acquise du fait d’une compétition électorale réelle.Quoiqu’un cadre légal précis préside la prise de décision au sein de l’institution municipale, la comparaison des modes de gouvernement d’une commune à l’autre fait émerger deux extrêmes, de l’exercice solitaire du maire à une décision prise collégialement par le conseil municipal dont le maire se fait le porteur. Entre ces deux extrêmes, les situations sont nombreuses et, si dans certaines communes, l’un s’impose davantage que l’autre, il existe aussi des mouvements de fluctuation en fonction des rapports de force qui se dessinent.Enfin, ce politique défini comme organisation du pouvoir au sein de la société, n’est pas enfermé dans les limites communales : les conflits au sein des conseils municipaux mettent au jour des réseaux sociaux qui sont également culturels et porteurs de sensibilités politiques ; c’est alors à une échelle intercommunale qu’ils prennent sens, marqués par les scansions nationales. / Historical researches on the nineteenth century have left aside Municipal institutions, except from the point of view of a prosopography of mayors and municipal elections of the July Monarchy. The contributions of other social sciences - sociology, anthropology, ethnology - have renewed the approaches, as well as the one on precise social history. This research puts forward a social and political analysis of this institution, registered on the long term (1800-1940) and on a tightened ground (a district and more particularly five localities).By means of relational databases allowing the aggregation of data at different scales of time and spaces, it aims at identifying the city councilors (mayors, deputies, councilors) for themselves, in a prosopographic approach, then relatively to define their representativeness (district scale) and to register them in the relationships they maintain with the other actors in municipal life (municipal scale).This analysis brings to light a municipal institution that villagers took over during the 19th century, by recognising an authority to the mayor and which was first shaped in opposition to that of the parish priest and which then overtook the given law framework. In fact, the outrages against them are few and allow to understand not the limits of the authority granted to the function but the lack of exercise of its depositary. In the same way, municipal elections deal with preparation, mobilisation and control -sometimes up to the electoral protest which constitutes then a third roundwhich brings legitimacy to the elected ones.The identification of the city councilors has also qualified the portrait that is generally drawn up: if there are many eligible families sometimes anciently established in the municipalities of exercise, the share of the moveable city councilors remains strong throughout the 19th century before gradually decreasing. The reconstitution of the municipal careers also shows that the access to the municipal council is not definitively acquired because of a real electoral competition.