Thesis (doctoral)--Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle, Paris III, 1997-1998. / Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, p. 727-744) and index.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Políticas Públicas / Este documento examina de manera empírica qué sucede con la actitud de las personas respecto a la posible salida negociada del conflicto armado que vive el país, cuando los individuos revelan conocer de manera cercana a víctimas del conflicto. Usando datos de la opinión pública para Colombia con preguntas relacionadas con el proceso de paz y las formas de victimización que más han padecido los colombianos, se encuentra que los individuos que han vivido de manera directa o por medio de algún familiar la violencia presentan una menor probabilidad de apoyar la negociación. Esta posición se reafirma cuando el hecho victimizante fue responsabilidad de la guerrilla, cuando la pérdida familiar es reciente y cuando hay familiaridad con víctimas de desplazamiento. Por otro lado, de acuerdo a características poblacionales, la opinión respecto a la negociación es más favorable para los afrocolombianos, los indígenas, las personas mayores y de menores ingresos. Estos resultados demuestran que quienes se encuentren en la mesa de negociación deben tener en cuenta no solo la opinión general respecto al proceso de paz, sino la de aquellos cuyas vidas se vieron afectadas y que presentan mayor sensibilidad frente al tema. Palabras clave:

CUNHA FILHO, Clayton Mendonça. Evo Morales e os horizontes da hegemonia nacional-popular e indigenismo na Bolívia em perspectiva comparada. 2009. 86f. Dissertação (Mestrado) - Instituto Universitário de Pesquisas do Rio de Janeiro, Curso de Ciências Humanas, Rio de Janeiro, 2009. / Submitted by Hanna Sandy (nannybells@gmail.com) on 2016-12-20T13:27:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-12-22T11:08:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-22T11:08:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_dis_cmcunhafilho.pdf: 558537 bytes, checksum: 2fc39f0230d065ab5edce77a3559c148 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / The present dissertation seeks to understand the way through which the indianist and national-popular elements articulate themselves in the current historical block led by the government of Evo Morales and to compare it under this point of view with five previous Bolivian critical conjunctures. The underlying hypothesis of this work is that the turmoil of the years 2000-2005 marked a collapse in the hegemony of the previous historical block and the ascension of a counter-hegemonic movement that was able to rearticulate itself through the redemption of the memory from the national-popular and indigenist horizons present throughout Bolivian history and especially in the 20th Century. The comparison with the previous critical conjunctures seeks precisely to comprehend the deeper roots that allowed the agglutination of the present historical block and its claim of legitimacy. Due to the consensually recognized historical importance in the Bolivian and bolivianist literature and to the influences in the present political conjuncture, the hegemony crisis of the transition to democracy period, the military regime of Ovando and Torres, the 1952 Revolution, the government of Gualberto Villarroel and the Chaco War and Military Socialism of the 1930s were chosen for comparison. And at last, I conclude by resuming the ideas underlying the comparison between the current historical block and its preceding constitutive moments and how these influence and in some ways determine the nature of the present political process and its hegemonic horizons. / A presente dissertação busca compreender o modo como se articulam no atual bloco histórico boliviano liderado pelo governo de Evo Morales os elementos de nacionalpopular e indigenismo e compará-lo sob esse ponto de vista com cinco conjunturas críticas bolivianas anteriores. A hipótese subjacente ao trabalho é que o turbulento quinquênio de 2000-2005 marca um colapso da hegemonia do bloco histórico anterior e a ascensão de um movimento contra-hegemônico que logrou se rearticular baseado no resgate da memória dos horizontes de nacional-popular e indigenismo presentes ao longo da história do país e em especial no século XX. A comparação com as conjunturas críticas anteriores busca justamente compreender as raízes mais profundas que permitiram a aglutinação do atual bloco histórico e sua reivindicação de legitimidade. Pela importância histórica consensualmente reconhecida na bibliografia boliviana e bolivianista e pelas influências na atual conjuntura política, foram escolhidos para comparação a crise hegemônica durante a redemocratização, o regime militar de Ovando e Torres, a Revolução de 1952, o governo de Gualberto Villarroel e a Guerra do Chaco e o Socialismo Militar dos anos 1930. E por último, concluo retomando algumas das ideias subjacentes na comparação do atual bloco histórico com seus momentos constitutivos precedentes e como estes influenciam e em alguma medida determinam a natureza do processo político atual em seus horizontes hegemônicos.

abstract: Puerto Rico has produced many important composers who have contributed to the musical culture of the nation during the last 200 years. However, a considerable amount of their music has proven to be difficult to access and may contain numerous errors. This research project intends to contribute to the accessibility of such music and to encourage similar studies of Puerto Rican music. This study focuses on the music of Héctor Campos Parsi (1922-1998), one of the most prominent composers of the 20th century in Puerto Rico. After an overview of the historical background of music on the island and the biography of the composer, four works from his art song repertoire are given for detailed examination. A product of this study is the first corrected edition of his cycles Canciones de Cielo y Agua, Tres Poemas de Corretjer, Los Paréntesis, and the song Majestad Negra. These compositions date from 1947 to 1959, and reflect both the European and nationalistic writing styles of the composer during this time. Data for these corrections have been obtained from the composer's manuscripts, published and unpublished editions, and published recordings. The corrected scores are ready for publication and a compact disc of this repertoire, performed by soprano Melliangee Pérez and the author, has been recorded to bring to life these revisions. Despite the best intentions of the author, the various copyright issues have yet to be resolved. It is hoped that this document will provide the foundation for a resolution and that these important works will be available for public performance and study in the near future. / Dissertation/Thesis / D.M.A. Music 2013

Orientador: Isabella Tardin Cardoso / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T09:29:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silveira_FabianaLopesda_M.pdf: 1653353 bytes, checksum: af9e21731548d2e80ab5edeb53ebe1b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: As Epístolas Morais a Lucílio, ainda que sejam consideradas por muitos estudiosos umas das mais importantes obras de Sêneca, costumam ser criticadas tanto por, alegadamente, se resumirem a um conjunto de exortações de cunho moral (preceitos), sem maior fundamento doutrinário, quanto por, segundo em geral se supõe, não apresentarem sistematicidade. No entanto, um olhar mais atento à carta 94 e à seguinte, a 95, nos permite notar que o próprio Sêneca chega a tematizar a questão do papel dos preceitos, i.e. do valor da parte da filosofia denominada preceptiva (de ordem prática, regida por praecepta), frente à dogmática (parte da filosofia de ordem teórica, regida por decreta). Para tanto, nessas cartas, o filósofo adota uma forma de argumentação consideravelmente organizada, além de fazer uso regular de certas imagens referentes a decreta e praecepta. Levando isso em conta, e tendo estudado tais aspectos na Ep. 95, nossa investigação da Ep. 94 se dedica à hipótese de que o texto do filósofo apresenta certa sistematicidade, ao menos no que tange à sua argumentação sobre os referidos métodos de ensino filosófico. Uma tradução completa e anotada da Ep. 94 acompanha o nosso estudo / Abstract: Though considered one of the most significant of Seneca's works, scholars sometimes critize the Letters to Lucilius as being nothing but a gathering of moral exhortations (precepts) with no considerable doctrinal basis, or for allegedly not presenting any systematics. However, a more careful reading of the Letter 94 (and the one that follows it, the Letter 95), lets us come to notice that Seneca himself approaches the role of precepts in moral development. The importance of that part of philosophy called praeceptiua as opposed to the dogmatic one is the main subject of these epistles. There, the philosopher develops his arguments quite orderly and makes regular use of imagery in order to refer to both decreta and praecepta. Taking that into account, and having studied the Letter 95 before, this investigation of the Letter 94 focuses on the hypothesis that the philosopher presents systematics of some kind, at least when it comes to his arguments about the methods of philosophical teaching just mentioned. The epistle is translated in full and provided with footnotes / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestra em Linguística

En 1993, la Colombie réforme son système de santé en suivant les orientations données par la Constitution politique adoptée en 1991 et les recommandations du « consensus de Washington ». Le pays entre dans une nouvelle ère politique dans laquelle la question sociale est redéfinie autour du thème de la pauvreté, tandis que la question ethnique acquière une visibilité inédite. Dans ce contexte, des Entités Promotrices de Santé Indigènes (EPSI) sont créées à partir du modèle générique des EPS, ces organismes d’administration de l’affiliation et des budgets de la santé qui jouent un rôle d’intermédiaire entre l’État et le patient. Les EPSI sont étroitement liées au monde autochtone. Elles gèrent l’accès à la santé d’une population dont la plus grande majorité doit être autochtone. Le personnel qui assure leur fonctionnement est recruté dans l’espace social et politique autochtone. Enfin, ce sont les autorités dites « traditionnelles » qui les contrôlent. Pour être des représentantes des communautés, ces autorités donnent aux EPSI une nature juridique publique, ce qui leur confère un caractère spécifique dans un système de santé où la tendance est à la généralisation de la privatisation. Quelles sont alors les conséquences de l’intégration à la gestion des affaires publiques de ces structures de pouvoir autochtones et de leurs agents. Quels sont aussi les effets de domination et/ou les expressions d’autonomie que la pratique concrète de ce multiculturalisme génère ? Analysant les enjeux qui se dessinent au sein du champ de la santé interculturelle, la thèse s’organise autour de trois moments. Il s’agit d’abord de caractériser le paradigme dans lequel sont pensés, depuis l’État, le système de santé et l’interculturalité pour comprendre comment les politiques du multiculturalisme deviennent un outil de domination par l’intégration. Le mode opératoire de cette gouvernementalité néolibérale s’appuie en particulier sur la promotion de l’empowerment, la participation autochtone au système de santé en étant l’une des expressions. On s’intéresse ensuite à la dimension dialectique des politiques du multiculturalisme à partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée sur trois EPSI dans trois départements (Cauca, César, La Guajira). La pratique de ce multiculturalisme conduit à une réinterprétation du sens qui lui est donné, en particulier au travers de la réappropriation de pouvoirs (contrôle territorial, biopouvoir) par laquelle devient possible la construction d’une autonomie de ces espaces autochtones. Mais cette autonomie n’est rendue possible, et cela constitue le troisième moment de la démonstration, que par l’existence préalable d’une dynamique sociale, collective et historiquement fixée qui a permis la formation d’un groupe d’agents capables de produire un discours et une pratique propre. Il s’agit alors d’étudier au travers de récits biographiques la formation sociale de ces possibles contre-publics autochtones en s’intéressant à la construction des habitus des agents et aux économies morales locales et globales qui ont contribué à la consolidation de ces contre-publics. / In 1993, Colombia reformed its healthcare system by following the orientations brought out by the political Constitution adopted in 1991 and the prescriptions emanating from the « Washington consensus ». The country enters a new political era in which social issues are redefined around the theme of poverty, whereas ethnic issues acquire a new visibility. In this context, Entities Promoting Indigenous Health (EPIH) are created from the generic model of EPHs, which are public administrative bodies dealing with healthcare affiliations and budgets and play an intermediary role between the State and the patient. The EPIH is closely intertwined with the native world. In fact, these entities manage the access to health care services for a population that must be of great majority native. The personnel and agents that run these entities are recruited in the native social and political realm. Furthermore, what is known as the "traditional" authority fully supervises these entities. To officially represent these native communities, these authorities give to the EPSI a public legal status, which confers them a distinctive character in the health care system more generally undergoing privatization reforms. What are the consequences of bringing in indigenous authorities and agents of these health agencies in the administration of public affairs? What are the effect on power relations and/or expressions of autonomy generated by the concrete application of this multiculturalism? Analyzing the issues that are brought out in the realm of intercultural health, this thesis is structured around three main parts. The first part will define the paradigm in which are thought out, from a state perspective, the interculturality of the health care system to understand how politics of multiculturalism, through integration, become a method of domination. The modus operandi of neo-liberal governance is based on the notion of empowerment, i.e. indigenous participation to the health care system being one of its manifestations. The second part will study the dialectical dimension of multiculturalism politics based on an ethnographic study conducted in three EPIH in three states (Cauca, César, La Guajira). The concrete application of this politics of multiculturalism leads to a re-interpretation of its meaning and an re-appropriation of social power dynamnics (territorial control, biopolitics) through which become possible the construction of autonomous indigenous space. However, the third part will analyze how this autonomy is only made possible by preexisting social, collective, and historical dynamics, which enabled a group of agents to produce a discourse and their own application of public affairs. We will thus study with the help of biographical narratives how it is possible to form counterpublics by looking at the habitus of the agents and at the local and global moral economy that helped shape these counterpublics.

Devant le nombre croissant d’atteintes commerciales intentionnelles et la prétendue incapacité du droit à y faire face, les sociétés commerciales ne sont plus en mesure d’obtenir efficacement réparation du préjudice subi. Forts de ce constat, certains auteurs proposent l’instauration des dommages-intérêts punitifs, alors que d’autres préconisent ceux à caractère restitutoire. Cette étude a pour objet de démontrer que les sociétés commerciales peuvent subir des atteintes à leurs intérêts extra-patrimoniaux, et que celles-ci peuvent et doivent être réparées sur le fondement du préjudice au moins moral. Dans ce cadre, les notions d’image de marque,de savoir-faire, de culture d’entreprise, d’identité et de réputation seront au coeur de cet ouvrage. En outre, la distinction des termes de dommage et de préjudice est essentielle, en ce qu’elle permet de clarifier le régime juridique du préjudice moral. Les conséquences patrimoniales et extra-patrimoniales de l’atteinte doivent donc être envisagées distinctement.Il conviendra de faire une place importante aux règles relatives à la réparation du préjudice moral. Le rôle du juge et celui de l’expert seront mis en exergue, et nous tenterons de faire apparaître les critères utilisés par le juge. Une méthode alternative consistant à prendre en compte certains critères complémentaires sera proposée et nous observerons les conséquences de la réparation auprès des différents protagonistes. / As they face a growing number of commercial torts, and their inalility to manage them, companies are no longer able to obtain effective compensation for property and pecuniary losses. On the basis, some authors suggest the introduction of punitive damages, while others advocate restitutory damages.This study aims to desmonstrate that companies can suffer damage to their extra-patrimonial interests, and that in this case they should be compensated at least on the basis of moral damages. In this context, this thesis will focus on the concepts of brand, know-how, corporate culture, identity, and reputation. Furthermore, the distinction between the terms “damage” and“harm” is critical, as it clarifies the legal status of non-pecuniary damages suffered by acompany while the consequences of patrimonial and extra-patrimonial damages are considered separately. Hence, new rules regarding the moral damages should be considered. The role of judges and experts will be highlighted, as well as the criteria therefore used by the judge. An option isalso to consider some additional criteria. It is also worth mentionning the results of redress onthe various protagonists.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)

Policy regime shift through popular societal resistance in developing countries, advocating a state-regulated economic model, has been a frequent occurrence in the 21st century, during a period where neoliberalism has dominated the world market. Scholars have brought up the framework of double movement to explain these social, economic, and political changes from free-market regimes to state-controlled regimes, claiming that it is a societal reaction to the commodification of land, labor, and money. This research poses the question of how political change can be interpreted through the lens of the concept of double movement even though a government can show positive social and economic development records, where a left-wing state-regulated market has ruled the economy. Bolivia underwent political turmoil in 2019, where the former president Evo Morales, who had brought high socioeconomic development through a state-regulated economy, was ousted by a nationwide protest. An interim conservative government took office, imposing a harsh neoliberal agenda with authoritarian features, handing over the presidency to Morales’ former party only a year later, as the party won the election. Looking at the case of Bolivia through the lens of the double movement, this research found that commodification of land, labor, and money can explain popular societal resistance in Bolivia during Morales's presidency. However, the case also proved that commodification was not the only, and potentially not even the main, reason for the overthrow of Morales. Political motives and actions, clientelism, social cleavages, respect for democratic principles, and more theoretical perspectives need to be considered to comprehend regime change by popular resistance further.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo trazar un límite que sea considerado razonable y legítimo entre el empleo del humor como una manifestación de la libertad de expresión y la denigración en la publicidad comercial por lo que, en principio se tendrá en cuenta el análisis de los casos considerados más representativos en materia de denigración (Spots publicitarios Gómez, Cocineros y Chamanes e Impulsadora) y cuyas resoluciones emitidas por la Sala en materia de Competencia Desleal, carecieron de una línea en común por la existencia de dos normas aparentemente contradictorias. En ese sentido y con la finalidad de dilucidar el problema que nos aqueja, se proponen la elaboración de los test de intención dolosa y de necesidad, los cuales han sido preliminarmente desarrolladas por las Cortes Norteamericanas y en el ordenamiento español y que teniendo en cuenta la finalidad de los mismos y los valores que propugna nuestro ordenamiento, resultan ser susceptibles de aplicarse en materia de competencia desleal. Asimismo y con la finalidad de legitimar la actuación de la autoridad administrativa (INDECOPI) se realizará un análisis de razonabilidad de la restricción a la libertad de expresión que (sanciones), en caso se evidencie una conducta que tenga como intención denigrar a los otros competidores y cuando esta no sea considerada necesaria ni se justifique. Teniendo en cuenta que el análisis de la exceptio veritatis que propugna le ley vigente, resulta aún insuficiente para lograr determinar cuándo nos encontramos frente a una publicidad denigratoria, los test propuestos operaran como un referente para cualquier operador jurídico que quiera determinar si en aquella publicidad en donde se haya empleado el recurso humorístico se llega a advertir la intención dolosa y maliciosa de dañar la reputación de determinado agente económico y que, toda referencia a la competencia no se haya demostrado que era necesaria ni justificada; pues será razonable que la autoridad competente pueda limitar el ejercicio de la libertad de expresión con la finalidad de salvaguardar el honor, la reputación y la imagen del agraviado. En consecuencia, el límite consistiría sencillamente en que podremos utilizar el humor mientras este no tenga como objetivo denigrar y dañar sin ninguna necesidad o justificación a los otros agentes económicos que no pidieron verse involucrados en determinada publicida