Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

El objeto de la tesis es la complejidad sintáctica como factor de la formación de significados considerada en relación con idiomas muy diferentes entre sí - inglés, alemán, español y ruso. La complejidad sintáctica presupone la complicación de las unidades de la estructura sintáctica del texto a través del uso de dos o más recursos sintácticos estilísticos que favorece la actualización y la formación de significados. El tema del trabajo está basado en las teorías observadas en la lingüística, en la estilística rusa y la del Círculo de Praga y en la hermenéutica del Círculo de Moscú y Tver. La reflexión (refleksia), término usado por el Círculo de Moscú, se entiende como estado de actividad mental relacionada con la producción de los significados y con los procesos de la realización de estos significados en forma de conocimientos en la actividad práctica. El despertar de la reflexión (refleksia) es un proceso invisible cuando el receptor descubre los significados implicados por el productor del texto en los recursos de la complejidad sintáctica. Se observa la reflexión y el despertar de la reflexión desde el punto de vista de la hermenéutica. Se consideran las teorías generales sobre la hermenéutica, pero sobre todo se hace hincapié en las teorías del Círculo hermenéutico de Moscú y de sus seguidores en la universidad estatal de Tver que destacan por su importancia hacia el receptor del texto que al efectuar el análisis del texto, reflexiona en diferentes niveles de la actividad mental.Entre diferentes recursos sintácticos estilísticos se concentra la atención sobre los que se encuentran en los textos literarios con mayor frecuencia: paralelismo, repetición, asíndeton, polisíndeton, inversión, construcciones intrusivas, parcelación y elipsis. El corpus textual se basa en los textos de la prosa inglesa, alemana, española y rusa constituida en 14 obras con un uso frecuente de los recursos sintácticos estilísticos para su posterior análisis. Para efectuar el análisis se ofrecen párrafos de textos literarios de escritores ingleses (J. Austen, J. Galsworthy, J. Joyce, S. Maugham, I. Murdoch, V. Woolf ), alemanes (G. Grass, S. Lenz, T. Mann), españoles (A. Muñoz Molina, E. Mendoza, M. de Unamuno) y rusos (L. Tolstoi).La novedad de la investigación consiste en el hecho de observar las particularidades y la importancia de los recursos estilísticos sobre el proceso de la reflexión; determinar la clasificación de estos recursos en correlación con significados implicados en ellos funcionando separados o en conjunto y construir los modelos de los procesos reflexivos. Anotamos también que hasta ahora no se ha hecho ningún trabajo donde se han aplicado 4 idiomas.El marco práctico de la investigación consiste en que sus resultados se han aplicado en las tutorías sobre la interpretación estilística y hermenéutica del texto. El trabajo consiste en tres capítulos. El primer capítulo está dedicado a las características estructurales y estilísticas de la complejidad sintáctica El segundo capítulo esta dedicado a la observación de la reflexión y sus tipos con la determinación de las estrategias del receptor en el proceso de la comprensión del texto y con el enfoque al esquema del sistema de la actividad reflexiva para los textos literarios. El tercer capítulo se dedica a la observación de los recursos sintácticos estilísticos en diferentes combinaciones y a la aplicación práctica del esquema de actividad mental con la clasificación de los recursos sintácticos estilísticos en diferentes combinaciones en los idiomas inglés, alemán, español y ruso y observamos la formación de los significados producidos por los recursos textuales en estos cuatro idiomas. / The thesis under the title "Syntactic complicatedness devices as a mean of actualization of reflexivity" deals with the study of syntactic stylistic devices and their meaningful effects in literary prose. The research is based on stylistics and hermeneutics theories. The main technique of text comprehension consists of text analysis with the focus on its syntactic and stylistic functions achieved by a series of devices most frequently used in literary texts. These devices are as follows: repetition , parallelism, asyndeton, polysyndeton, inversion, parcelation, ellipsis. They act in a combination with each other, where different stylisctic effects are being produced on a text recipient. During a process of reading and interpretation a reader attracted by a series of devices , discoveres the meanings implied in these devices and thus arises a reader´s reflexivity.Syntactic complicatedness is considered in this thesis a as use of a set of previously mentioned syntactic stylistic devices in pasages of literary texts. The more devices are being used, the more complicated is a passage structure and the brighter is the meaningful effect.Reflexivity is understood as a reader´s mental state during text analysis which arises in the process of meanings discovery. The research work consists of three chapters. The first chapter gives a picture of structural features of syntactic complicatedness based on theories of Russian Stylistics 8 syntactic stylistic devices most frequently found in literary texts are being introduced.The second chapter deals with reflexivity and its different types with the main focus on its. methodological type. In the process of text analysis a recipient´s reflexivity passes through three different stages. Each of these stages is represented in its own level depending on the mental activity. These stages are shown on a scheme of mental activity used in this work for literary texts. The third chapter gives a classification of 10 types of combinations in 4 languages (English, German, Spanish, Russian) which are called here "significative types". The analysis of devices carried out in this work gives a picture of their similarity among 4 used languages from the point of view of their significant effects on a text´s recipient.

Orientador: Maria Clementina Pereira Cunha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / O exemplar do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T20:56:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bernardes_MariaElena_M.pdf: 7662064 bytes, checksum: 47f25c977b1acf239aa97318f5b2bed6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Não informado. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Mestre em História

Cette thèse est une contribution à l'histoire institutionnelle de l'Eglise orthodoxe russe de 1917 à 1931. Elle s'attache aux conséquences pour l'Église russe de la Révolution de 1917, de la chute de la monarchie et de l'arrivée au pouvoir des Bolcheviks. L'importance du Concile Local de 1917-1918, qui a rétabli les tonnes canoniques et administratives de l'Église russe, est mise en lumière : le système synodal gouverné par un ober-procureur fut aboli et le patriarche Tikhon fut élu. Le Concile Local de 1917-1918 et le Patriarche Tikhon réagirent aux changements politiques dans le pays, en particulier après la Révolution d'Octobre entraînant des persécutions contre l'Église, l'arrestation du Patriarche Tikhon, et affectant la politique de l'Église russe après 1923. L'émigration ecclésiale, partie de Crimée, dans un premier temps vers la Turquie, fut à la source de l'organisation des tonnes administratives de l'Église russe à l'étranger en Serbie, notamment à travers le Concile de toute l'émigration ecclésiale de 1921 à Karlovci. L'émigration ecclésiale dut définir ses relations avec le Patriarcat de Moscou. Les hiérarques à l'étranger ne pensèrent d'abord à aucune rupture avec Moscou, mais la situation changea après le décès du Patriarche Tikhon en 1925. C'était une période de division à l'intérieur de l'Église russe à l'étranger mais aussi un temps où les relations normales avec Moscou devinrent impossibles. Le "Locum Tenens". Le Métropolite Pierre, était arrêté par les Bolcheviks et le Métropolite Serge, son remplaçant, était contraint de faire des concessions considérables en faveur du pouvoir soviétique. L'exigence du Métropolite Serge au clergé russe à l'étranger de donner un engagement de loyauté envers le pouvoir soviétique et sa Déclaration de 1927 provoquèrent des réactions négatives à l'étranger. Le Synode des évêques à l'étranger, présidé par le Métropolite Antoine, rompit ses relations avec Moscou en 1927 et le clergé du Métropolite Euloge intégra le Patriarcat de Constantinople en 1931. Les conséquences furent douloureuses pour 1e Patriarcat de Moscou car cette institution perdit toutes ses paroisses principales en Europe Occidentale. / This thesis is a contribution to the institutional history of the Russian Orthodox Church from 1917 to 1931. It emphasizes how the Russian Church was affected by the Revolution of 1917, the fall of monarchy, and the rise to power of the Bolsheviks. The importance of the 1917-1918 Local Council, which has restored the canonical and administrative forms of the Russian Church, is underlined: the synodal system governed by an ober-prokuror was abolished and Patriarch Tikhon was elected. The 1917-1918 Local Council and Patriarch Tikhon reacted to political changes in the country, particularly after the October Revolution, causing persecutions against the Church, the arrest of Patriarch Tikhon, and affecting the policy of the Russian Church after 1923. The ecclesial emigration that had left Russia from Crimea, first to Turkey, instigated the organization of administrative forms of the Russian Church Abroad in Serbia, through the 1921 Council of ail ecclesial emigration in Karlovci. The ecclesial emigration had to define its relationships with the Moscow Patriarchate, The hierarchs abroad did not consider any break with Moscow at first, but the situation changed after the death of Patriarch Tikhon in 1925. It was a time of division within the Russian Church Abroad but also a time when normal relations with Moscow became impossible. The Locum Tenens, Metropolitan Peter, had been arrested by the Bolsheviks and Metropolitan Sergius, who replaced him, was forced to make significant concessions to the Soviet power. Metropolitan Sergius's demand to the Russian clergy abroad to give a commitment of loyalty to the Soviet regime in 1927 and its Declaration in 1927 provoked negative reactions abroad. The Synod of Bishops Abroad chaired by Metropolitan Anthony broke with Moscow in 1927, and the clergy of Metropolitan Eulogius joined the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1931. The consequences were painful for the Moscow Patriarchate since this institution has lost all major parishes in Western Europe.

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Hector Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: A presente dissertação faz um estudo sobre as ações de Moscou em relação à Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN - desde a concepção desta, em 1949, até o último governo de Vladimir Putin, findo em 2008. O trabalho pretende, além de identificar tais atitudes, apresentar as razões pelas quais a Rússia pode ser a favor ou contrária às ações da OTAN. Os materiais utilizados para a confecção desta dissertação compreendem livros e revistas especializados em Rússia, Eurásia, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, periódicos, documentos oficiais e não-oficiais e mapas, havendo, após sua coleta, uma análise histórica. / Abstract: The current dissertation carries out a study on Moscow's actions concerning the North Atlantic Treaty Organization - NATO - since its inception, in 1949, until Vladimir Putin's last administration, which ended in 2008. Besides identifying such behavior, this work seeks to present the reasons why Russia can be in favor or against NATO's actions. The making of this dissertation was based on books and journals specialized in Russia, Eurasia, Geopolitics and International Relations, periodicals, official and nonofficial documents and maps, all of these being followed by a historical analysis. / Mestre

A tese tem como objetivo o estudo do texto da cidade de Moscou, sua análise comparativa e diálogo com o texto de São Petersburgo, bem como a importância de ambos os textos no processo de formação de identidade cultural russa. A metodologia da pesquisa baseia-se no conceito de texto urbano elaborado por destacados estudiosos da escola semiótica de Tártu-Moscou, tais como: Iúri Lótman, Vladimir Toporov, entre outros. O trabalho apresentado é constituído de três partes: No primeiro capítulo é apresentada a análise teórica dos conceitos de texto e cidade e sua aplicação à Moscou; O segundo capítulo representa uma análise histórico-cultural do processo de formação do texto de Moscou desde a fundação da cidade até o século XXI, a reflexão do texto de Moscou na cultura e, principalmente, na literatura russa; A terceira parte é composta por traduções de alguns ensaios de escritores russos do século XIX nos quais foram descritas as relações controversas entre Moscou e São Petersburgo. A conclusão da presente pesquisa consiste na tese de que tanto o texto de Moscou como sua oposição ao texto de São Petersburgo formam-se como resultado da bipolaridade, própria não apenas da cultura russa, como de toda humanidade. / The thesis aims to study the Moscow city text, its comparative analysis and the dialogue with the St. Petersburg text, and the importance of both texts in the process of formation of Russian cultural identity. The survey methodology is based on the concept of urban text drawn up by prominent scholars of Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, such as Yuri Lotamn, Vladimir Toporov, among others. The work presented is comprised of three parts: The first chapter presents the theoretical analysis of concepts of \"text\" and \"city\" and its application to Moscow; The second chapter represents a cultural-historical analysis of the formation process of the Moscow text since the founding of the city until the 21st century, the reflection of Moscow text in the culture and, mostly in the Russian literature; The third part is composed of translations of some Russian writers´ essays of the 19th century with a description of the controversial relations between Moscow and St. Petersburg. The conclusion of this research consists of the thesis that both Moscow text and its opposition to the St. Petersburg text are formed as a result of a proper bipolarity not only of the Russian culture, but of the whole mankind.

A tese tem como objetivo o estudo do texto da cidade de Moscou, sua análise comparativa e diálogo com o texto de São Petersburgo, bem como a importância de ambos os textos no processo de formação de identidade cultural russa. A metodologia da pesquisa baseia-se no conceito de texto urbano elaborado por destacados estudiosos da escola semiótica de Tártu-Moscou, tais como: Iúri Lótman, Vladimir Toporov, entre outros. O trabalho apresentado é constituído de três partes: No primeiro capítulo é apresentada a análise teórica dos conceitos de texto e cidade e sua aplicação à Moscou; O segundo capítulo representa uma análise histórico-cultural do processo de formação do texto de Moscou desde a fundação da cidade até o século XXI, a reflexão do texto de Moscou na cultura e, principalmente, na literatura russa; A terceira parte é composta por traduções de alguns ensaios de escritores russos do século XIX nos quais foram descritas as relações controversas entre Moscou e São Petersburgo. A conclusão da presente pesquisa consiste na tese de que tanto o texto de Moscou como sua oposição ao texto de São Petersburgo formam-se como resultado da bipolaridade, própria não apenas da cultura russa, como de toda humanidade. / The thesis aims to study the Moscow city text, its comparative analysis and the dialogue with the St. Petersburg text, and the importance of both texts in the process of formation of Russian cultural identity. The survey methodology is based on the concept of urban text drawn up by prominent scholars of Tartu-Moscow Semiotic School, such as Yuri Lotamn, Vladimir Toporov, among others. The work presented is comprised of three parts: The first chapter presents the theoretical analysis of concepts of \"text\" and \"city\" and its application to Moscow; The second chapter represents a cultural-historical analysis of the formation process of the Moscow text since the founding of the city until the 21st century, the reflection of Moscow text in the culture and, mostly in the Russian literature; The third part is composed of translations of some Russian writers´ essays of the 19th century with a description of the controversial relations between Moscow and St. Petersburg. The conclusion of this research consists of the thesis that both Moscow text and its opposition to the St. Petersburg text are formed as a result of a proper bipolarity not only of the Russian culture, but of the whole mankind.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-11-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:56:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 nascimento_fal_me_mar.pdf: 1729879 bytes, checksum: 0c9764597bda9da0f73b88beca337bd8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A presente dissertação faz um estudo sobre as ações de Moscou em relação à Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte – OTAN – desde a concepção desta, em 1949, até o último governo de Vladimir Putin, findo em 2008. O trabalho pretende, além de identificar tais atitudes, apresentar as razões pelas quais a Rússia pode ser a favor ou contrária às ações da OTAN. Os materiais utilizados para a confecção desta dissertação compreendem livros e revistas especializados em Rússia, Eurásia, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, periódicos, documentos oficiais e não-oficiais e mapas, havendo, após sua coleta, uma análise histórica. / The current dissertation carries out a study on Moscow’s actions concerning the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – NATO – since its inception, in 1949, until Vladimir Putin’s last administration, which ended in 2008. Besides identifying such behavior, this work seeks to present the reasons why Russia can be in favor or against NATO’s actions. The making of this dissertation was based on books and journals specialized in Russia, Eurasia, Geopolitics and International Relations, periodicals, official and nonofficial documents and maps, all of these being followed by a historical analysis.

Au lendemain de la Révolution, on observe en Russie l’apparition de nombreux groupes d’avant-garde qui, d’une certaine manière, prolongent tous les groupes antérieurs. Les jeunes poètes qui perpétuent alors le paradigme avant-gardiste forment certains des groupes qui sont au cœur de cette recherche: les expressionnistes (dont Ippolit Sokolov, Boris Zemenkov, Sergej Spasskij, Gurij Sidorov), le Parnasse de Moscou (dont Boris Lapin, Evgenij Gabrilovič), les fouistes (dont Boris Perelešin, Boris Nesmelov, Nikolai Lepok), les émotionnalistes (dont Mixail Kuzmin, Anna Radlova, Konstantin Vaginov), les rienistes (dont Rjurik Rok, Sergej Sadikov, Susanna Mar, Aècij Ranov, Oleg Èrberg), et les biocosmistes (dont Aleksandr Svjatogor, Aleksandr Jaroslavskij). Ce travail cerne leur activité théorique, philosophique et poétique, suit leurs pas dans la vie artistique de l'époque, reconstitue le contexte intellectuel et culturel. Les années 1920 sont, de manière générale, la période où les cultures russe et allemande se témoignent le plus d'intérêt réciproque et un nombre important de contacts s'établit entre les artistes. L'analyse de leur poésie et de leurs manifestes permet de cerner le phénomène de l'expressionnisme russe, comme mouvement indépendant, et de montrer leur proximité typologique. Quant aux rienistes, on peut les rapprocher des dadaïstes européens. Enfin, les biocosmistes prolongent les idées du cosmisme russe dans une perspective révolutionnaire et utopique. Longtemps négligés, ces groupes apportent la preuve de l'unité vaste et complexe de l'avant-garde russe. Pourtant, leur apport ne fait aucun doute. / Just after the Revolution, in Russia there emerged numerous avant-garde groups that, in a way, continue all previous groups. Young poets who then perpetuate the avant-garde paradigm form certain groups that are at the heart of this research: the Expressionists (including Ippolit Sokolov, Boris Zemenkov, Sergei Spassky, Gury Sidorov), Parnassus of Moscow (including Boris Lapin, Yevgeny Gabrilovich), the Fouists (including Pereleshin Boris, Boris Nesmelov, Nikolai Lepok), the Emotionalists (including Mikhail Kuzmin, Anna Radlova, Konstantin Vaginov), the Nichevoki (including Ryurik Rok, Sergei Sadikov, Susanna Mar, Aetsy Ranov, Oleg Erberg), and Biocosmists (including Alexander Svyatogor, Alexander Yaroslavsky). This work identifies their theoretical, philosophical and poetic activities, following their steps in the artistic life of that time and reconstructs the intellectual and cultural context. The 1920s are, generally, the period when Russian and German cultures reflect greater mutual interest and a large number of contacts is established among artists. The analysis of their poetry and their manifests identifies the phenomenon of Russian Expressionism as independent movement and shows their typological affinities. As regards the Nichevoki, they can be compared to the European Dadaists. Finally, the Biocosmists continue the ideas of Russian Cosmism in a revolutionary and utopian perspective. Long neglected, these groups provide evidence of large and complex body of the Russian avant-garde. Nevertheless, their contribution is certain.

La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons. / This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks.