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This study aims to analyse how the stateless Muslim minority Rohingya from Myanmar are represented in Burmese media. Progress towards democracy has been made in Myanmar since the end of the dictatorship, making it possible for private newspapers to publish in Myanmar and increased the access to rights. However, this positive development has not affected all habitants in Myanmar. The UN still considers Rohingya to be one of the most persecuted people in the world. In this study, the material consists of articles from The Myanmar Times, Mizzima Business Weekly and The New Light of Myanmar. After assessing Hannah Arendt’s theory about the dependency on citizenship for human rights, and Steve Luke’s theory of power, this study uses the method systematic qualitative text analysis to sort the material. In addition, a critical text analysis inspired by critical discourse analysis is carried out. As a complement, photos are studied using visual text analysis. The main focus is on how Rohingya are represented in the material, and what can be said about Rohingya’s exclusion based on the findings in the material. The study shows that the name Rohingya is avoided in The Global New Light of Myanmar, who uses “Muslim Minority” as well as in The Myanmar Times, where group is often called “Bengali”. However, in Mizzima Business Weekly “Rohingya” is the most common name when describing the group. A key finding is that suppression, i.e. to silence issues concerning Rohingya, to deny their identity and ties to Myanmar, and to not acknowledge that Rohingya are affected by an event in the news, appears to various extents in all three newspapers, which shows how Rohingya are excluded and are often portrayed as “the others”. The study shows that the media is affected by “the power of the thought” and that the inherent paradox of the human rights can be applied in this case, and that in a society a stateless person is rightless and becomes completely excluded from the society. This is manifested to some extent in Mizzima Business Weekly and consistently in The Myanmar Times and The Global New Light of Myanmar.

In the years between 2012 and 2014, Burma has been shaken by waves of violence against Muslims which has resulted in destroyed mosques and shops, at least 140 000 displaced and 200 killed persons. The person who is said to lay behind this violence is the Burmese Theravada monk Ashin Wirathu. Being the founder and leader of the radical Buddhist movement 969, he has been accused of indirectly motivating violence against Muslims and has been portrayed with titles such as “The face of buddhist terror”. This essay investigates the relation between Wirathu and the anti-Muslim violence by applying the method of content analysis on a speech of him. Identifying an emphasis on subjects concerning politics, nationalism and anti-Muslim statements, these factors are contextualized to colonial and postcolonial Burma for the purpose of finding causes for the recent struggles. Recognizing the appearing of these factors in the context of Burma, which has undergone a tense 20th century comprising colonization and military dictatorship, offer some explanation of the rhetoric found in the analyzed speech. Using the context of the identified subjects and a theory which explains the rise of religious conflict in postmodern states, this study concludes that the content in Ashin Wirathu’s speech motivate for anti-Muslim violence through the use of political, ethnic nationalistic and islamophobic statements.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze whether heteronormativity conditions human rights for LGBT persons in Burma, and how “normalization processes” affect and control whose lives, according to Judith Butlers theories, possesses human value. This is done through interpreting the framework of theories by Butler with methods of idea analysis and empirical interviews and research from Burma. Specially highlighted is how the compelling heteronormative social structure affects LGBT persons in Burma, and how the system, according to Butler, is based on the notion that bodies that are “abnormal” are not recognized, and therefore seen as less human and less worthy of human rights. The thesis critically reflects on how Butlers more theoretical reasoning is challenged by the research material. The three research questions are interrelated, in such a way that they all explore how we can understand the human rights situation in Burma for persons that identify as LGBT, based on Butler and queer theory ́s criticism of heteronormativity. The conclusion shows that widespread homo- and transphobia, laws about illegality, the police as frequent perpetrators of violence, (especially against transgender women and gay men) and lack of judicial authority to turn to, makes LGBT people into "anti-citizens" that are reduced to a body without "the right to have rights". Butler's theories have considerable relevance for the context, in her analyzes of who are recognized as human and what the consequences are for human dignity to be outside the heteronormative system. However, they are lacking both legal perspective and problematization of the patriarchal power system, perspectives which has a decisive impact on LGBT persons in Burma. / Syftet med studien är att analysera huruvida heteronormativitet villkorar hbtq-personers mänskliga rättigheter i Burma, samt hur ”normaliseringsprocesser” påverkar och styr vems liv som, enligt Butlers teorier, har mänskligt värde. Studien genomförs genom att med innehållslig idéanalys tolka ett teoretiskt ramverk av Judith Butler texter, samt med empiriska intervjuer och forskning från Burma. Speciellt framhävs hur den tvingande sociala strukturen påverkar situationen för hbtq- personer i Burma, och hur det heteronormativa systemet, enligt Butler, bygger på att kroppar som är "onormala" och obegripliga inte erkänns och därmed ses som mindre mänskliga och mindre värdiga mänskliga rättigheter. Studien reflekterar kritiskt över hur Butlers mer teoretiska resonemang utman- as av resultatet från undersökningsmaterialet. De tre forskarfrågorna kan förstås som inbördes bero- ende av varandra på så sätt att de tillsammans utforskar hur vi kan förstå Butler och qeerteorins kritik av heteronormativet, utifrån situationen för hbtq-personer i Burma. Resultatet visar att en utbredd homo- och transfobi, lagar om illegalitet, polisen som frekventa förövare särskilt mot trangender- kvinnor och gay-män, och utan rättsinstans att vända sig till, gör hbtq-personer till “anti-medborgare” som kan reduceras till en kropp utan “rätten att ha rättigheter”. Butlers teorier har god bäring i analyserna om vem som erkänns som mänsklig, och vilka konsekvenser det får för människovärdet att vara utanför systemet, men saknar däremot rättsperspektivet och problematiserandet av det patriarkala maktsystemet, vilka har avgörande inverkan på livssituationen för hbtq-personer i Burma.

Traditionally, Multinational Corporations and the United Nations used to have different agendas. During recent years, there has been a shift, and with the adoption of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals in 2015, the objectives of the two different entities are more closely aligned. The United Nations has increasingly promoted multi-stakeholder partnerships as a way to foster development efforts in emerging markets. At the same time, these partnerships have appeared to be a way for businesses to gain legitimacy and overcome the challenges in entering emerging markets. The literature review is based on Johanson and Vahlne’s (1977) Uppsala Model, complemented with Bottom of the Pyramid literature. Specifically, the role of experiential knowledge in the internationalization process is investigated. An exploratory field study has been conducted during one month in Myanmar, with the overarching purpose to study an MNC’s expansion into an EM. The study has further investigated on how MNCs partner with non-traditional actors when entering EMs and how the exchange of knowledge is carried out on the micro-level in these relations. The study includes interviews with both an MNC and the UN, including observations on site and a documentary analysis. In line with previous literature, the result show that the MNC had to learn from the local market in order to succeed in their internationalization process, but also educate the local market in order to enter. Thus, the thesis contributes to research in proving that internationalization in emerging markets seems to be a two-way experiential knowledge direction where MNCs also need to take an active part in educating the emerging market in order to enter.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is guided by a collection of principles known as the ASEAN Way, which emphasizes sovereignty and consensus. When external pressures have forced ASEAN to face contentious issues, internal divisions have torn at the group’s cohesion, and consensus has proved difficult to reach. When Myanmar’s military dictatorship was put on the fast track to ASEAN membership in the mid-1990s, democratic Thailand and the Philippines objected, and strong Western pressure to delay Burmese accession put the group in a difficult spot. Fifteen years later, territorial disputes in the South China Sea pitted ASEAN claimant states against non-claimant counterparts inclined to support an assertive and wealthy China’s point of view. In the first case, reaction against US attempts to sway ASEAN’s decision united the group in support of Myanmar’s admission; in the second case, China’s economic inducements succeeded in dividing the group, to the extent that a 2012 summit ended in disagreement and rancor. ASEAN will need to revise some aspects of the ASEAN Way, particularly sovereignty norms, and create greater binding force to generate the cohesion necessary to effectively deal with future regional problems.

The violent uprisings in Myanmar between 2012-2014 sparked a big interest in the media around the world. The uprisings which resulted in many casualties and the destruction of muslim owned shops and mosques left around 140.000 IDPs. In an interview with Time Magazine’s Hannah Beech, the leader of the group claimed to be responsible for instigating the violence, Ashin Wirathu likened muslims to animals and encouraged burmese buddhists to shun muslims. Since the article was released an independent american organization which sympathizes with Wirathu and his ‘golden burmese’ 969 movement created a web page dedicated to portray a nuanced image of the movement and to clear up what they have claimed to be a number of false reports propagated by western media. This essay investigates the american support movement by analysing their english web page through the method of content analysis and by applying a propaganda theoretical framework to the final discussion. The aim of the essay is to identify what kind of image of Buddhism and Ashin Wirathus 969 movement the support group wants to portray and to explain this in the context of Myanmars colonial and postcolonial history.

In Myanmar "othering" has severe consequences for religious groups, including contributing to escalate and sustain violent conflicts. Religious doctrine is among several other factors that inform the views on the "religious other". This paper analyzes "theology of religions" and representation of the "religious other" in one religious group in Myanmar: The majority Christian denomination, the Baptists, with a scope related to Northern Myanmar, particularly Kachin State. The findings are that there is no uniform way in which Christian Baptists in Myanmar, and related to Kachin State, deal with the "religious other". The findings suggest, however, that related to their "theologies of religions" Christian minority voices are mainly concerned with the Buddhist majority. This in a way in which the "religious other" from other religious groups are not of great concern. Conflicts and conflictual relations in which also religious identities across religious groups are present served but more as an implicit backdrop. Instead, positive social representation and explicitly encouraging peace-seeking engagement and relationships with the "religious other" were highlighted by some. Calls for cooperation among Christian groups were also highlighted. In addition, however, an important finding in the analyzed material was that there to a great extent was a Christian inter-group positioning with “in-grouping” and “out-grouping” - including affirmation or rejection of the "theology of religions" - of other Christian sub-groups or individuals. As such, the negative "othering" by some Christians were interestingly not mainly concerned with the "religious other", but with the "denominational other".

For much of its recent history, the Kachin State of northern Myanmar has been wrought with civil warfare that has come to define its image from the outside, as well as being a key signifier in the conceptual life worlds of many of its ethnic nationalities. While Myanmar is currently witnessing significant – if still uncertain – political and economic transitions, the Kachin State remains largely marginalized from these processes. Rather than an absence of state power, however, this marginalization had led to competing projects of statecraft vying over resources, military control and popular legitimacy in the highly fragmented territorialities. In this thesis I engage this complex landscape through the nexus of formal schooling, organized religion, and ethno nationalist politics. My primary ethnographic focus is on the emergence ‐ of several private schools led by a younger generation of Kachin educators. I am asking why these schools arose at this point in time and what has motivated their leaders to strive for institutional autonomy in settings long characterised by a scarcity of human and material resources. I argue that, in addition to their explicitly stated pedagogical aims, these initiatives are serving particular visions of social and political development, defined by Christian moralities and ethno‐nationalist ideologies. As such, their practice can be read as a form of critique towards the established systems of schooling and governance led by the central state of Myanmar, as well as that of the Kachin Independence Organization, the main contender for political self‐determination in the area. Decades of perceived marginalization of the Kachin populace of northern Myanmar are the principal motivator for the leaders of these educational projects. However, important points of tension also exist within the Kachin society itself, both in the fields of schooling and religion. A focus on the institutions of private education thus enables me to ask questions about the nature of local political authority, ethnic identification, and the influence of organized religion more generally. By employing a historical perspective to complement my ethnographic material, I am tracing the emergence of ideas, practices, and institutions of schooling that were born from the missionary encounter and decades of military conflicts. These, together with the more recent cosmopolitan ideas of modernity, lie at the heart of contemporary efforts to provide alternative paths to schooling, and to attain the dreams of social development for the Kachin society that the educators seek.