O propósito deste trabalho é estudar o delineamento e os usos políticos do imaginário francês e napoleônico na América portuguesa, especialmente durante o processo de reorganização da Corte bragantina no Rio de Janeiro de 1808 a 1821. Problematizamos esta temática por intermédio de três interrogações essenciais: (1) que imagens de Napoleão o governo português divulgou nos anos iniciais de sua presença na América?; (2) em que medida essas imagens sustentaram (ou não) atitudes de repúdio à França e aos franceses de modo geral? e (3) que alterações ocorreram nessas representações no período posterior ao término das Guerras Peninsulares e da queda de Napoleão? Constatamos o uso de muitas dessas imagens pelo governo joanino com a intenção de reforçar seu status político e o controle sobre seus súditos, bem como resquícios dessas representações no imaginário da América portuguesa mesmo após a queda do Império napoleônico apesar do restabelecimento das relações diplomáticas e comerciais entre França e Portugal e a positivação do elemento francês na Corte do Rio. / Our purpose is to study the outlines and political uses of French and Napoleonic imaginary in the Portuguese America, especially during the reorganization process of the House of Braganza and the Portuguese Court in Rio de Janeiro from 1808 to 1821. We inquiry that thematic through three essential questions: (1) which images from Napoleon the Portuguese Government publicized in the initial years of its presence in the America? (2) how did those images support (or not) the refuse attitude to France and to French people in general? and (3) what kind of changes occurred in those representations after the ending of Peninsular Wars and the fall of Napoleon? We verify that the use of those images by Dom João\'s government had the intention to reinforce his political status and the control over his subjects, as well as traces from those representation in the Portuguese America imaginary even after Napoleonic Empire fall despite of Diplomatic and Commercial re-establishment between France and Portugal and the French element appreciation in the Court of Rio.

This thesis analyzes an anonymous portrait painting of the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808-1839), called by its descriptive title Seated Portrait of Mahmud II, within the context of the extensive portrait campaign commissioned by the sultan. Surviving examples from this series of diplomatic portraits share a unique set of intercultural iconographic vocabularies as a reflection of their time as well as implicit reinforcement of the sultan's political goals. By focusing on Seated Portrait of Mahmud II, I argue that a closer inspection of the campaign within a context that pays attention to Ottoman, European, and Persian visual practices reveals a more accurate and comprehensive understanding of its cross-cultural histories and visual as well as ideological references. Structured to reflect the tripartite composition of the artwork itself, this thesis addresses the style and iconographies of the background, middleground, and foreground, respectively. Following a focused examination of the sultan's portrait, I compare Seated Portrait of Mahmud II to two contemporary paintings: Napoléon Bonaparte as First Consul (1808) from France and Portrait of Qajar Ali Shah Seated on a Chair Throne (1807) from Qajar Iran. While bringing attention to the art-historical implications of a hitherto understudied, yet significant portrait of Mahmud II, my work reexamines the early-modern history of Ottoman art within the larger framework of cross-cultural encounters.

Le Second Empire français est une période de grands changements sur la scène internationale. Profitant des diverses crises politiques de nature nationale secouant l’Europe et l’Amérique, Napoléon III entend profiter de ces dernières pour favoriser l’expansion de l’influence française dans des régions appelées à devenir névralgiques pour les intérêts impériaux. Érigée en moyen de puissance, la politique des nationalités est un discours politique flou, théorique et adapté aux besoins du moment par le régime du Prince-Président. Son principal objectif vise l’installation de régimes césaro-démocratiques alliés à la France. Ces derniers peuvent être implantés par divers moyens : la guerre, par des échanges de territoires entre souverains ou par une méthode politique novatrice, l’appel au peuple comme source de légitimité. Ce qui est inusité avec la politique des nationalités, c’est le recours systématique à une «volonté» populaire. Quelle se manifeste par des élections contrôlées ou par une assemblée de notables bien sélectionnés, il y a ce souci d’apparaître légitime auprès des différentes populations. En utilisant des sources primaires et de nombreuses recherches historiques et politiques, le présent mémoire étudie les divers mécanismes qui régissent la politique des nationalités de Napoléon III. Il sera question d’analyser la dynamique de la politique des nationalités et de la façon dont cette dernière permet l’accroissement de l’influence française en Italie, en Allemagne, au Mexique et finalement dans la Syrie ottomane. / The Second French Empire was a period of great change on the international scene in Europe and America. Using the diverse national crises that were shaking the European and American balance of power, Napoleon III intended to use these crises in order to favour French influence in regions where her interests were starting to become vital for worldwide supremacy. Put forward as a means of power, the policy of nationalities is an abstract political idea that creates a political discourse which favors imperial projects around the world. The objective of the policy of nationalities aims at the installation of monarchies allied to France which can be installed in various ways, through war, territorial exchanges or by a new method, popular referenda. However, all of these regimes were installed in the name of nationality. Yet what is innovative in the policy of nationalities, is the systematic recourse to the will of the people as a means to legitimize France’s territorial expansion. This manifested itself in a controlled election or by an assembly of well chosen notables. There was always a need to appear lawful in the eyes of the foreign populations. Using primary sources and a variety of historical studies, this research’s aim is to analyze the methods used by Napoleon III to promote France’s policy of nationalities. We will study the dynamic of this policy and the way the national argument was used during political crises in Italy, Germany, Mexico and the ottoman province of Syria. / Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW).

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The target of the this diploma thesis called ''The Napoleon's theorem'' is a detailed concentration on this theorem, where the process of so called ''regularization'' is described. Under the investigation of the Napoleon's theorem this diploma thesis is concerned with a lot of proofs, properties and then their generalization in a plane and in space. Pictures, which can help the reader to understand this problem are supplemented in this diploma thesis.

CASTRO, Vicky Temóteo Nóbrega de. A escrita por imagens: as ilustrações literárias de Poty Lazzarotto para Corpo de Baile, de João Guimarães Rosa. 2017. 126f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-03T11:51:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_vtncastro.pdf: 2834359 bytes, checksum: 66d141b4624673ec1c03751d1ef27105 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-05-03T14:39:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_vtncastro.pdf: 2834359 bytes, checksum: 66d141b4624673ec1c03751d1ef27105 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-03T14:39:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_dis_vtncastro.pdf: 2834359 bytes, checksum: 66d141b4624673ec1c03751d1ef27105 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / Em 1956 e 1964, o artista plástico Poty Lazzarotto ilustra as capas Corpo de baile, obra do escritor mineiro João Guimarães Rosa. A articulação entre palavra e imagem, ou melhor, entre o texto rosiano e o desenho de Poty é a questão central desta pesquisa. A partir do conceito de tradução intersemiótica, cunhado por Roman Jakobson e discutido no âmbito da arte contemporânea por Júlio Plaza, é possível pensar a tradução para além dos limites da língua, alcançando outros horizontes de linguagens. O conceito de tradução intersemiótica refere-se ao processo de interpretação de um sistema sígnico em outro, ou seja, a tradução criativa de um sistema de linguagem para outra. Neste estudo, debruçamo-nos sobre a obra Corpo de baile, produzida pela Livraria José Olympio Editora, sobretudo a primeira edição, publicada em 1956, inicialmente em dois volumes; e a terceira edição, em 1964, dividindo a obra desde então em Manuelzão e Miguilim; No Urubuquaquá, no Pinhém; e Noites do sertão. Sublinhamos as aproximações e afastamentos entre a palavra e a imagem a fim de discutirmos os aspectos plásticos e textuais nessas duas narrativas, tanto escrita quanto imagética. Corpo de baile é composto por sete novelas que convergem entre si, estórias que contam estórias. A partir do deslocamento de personagens e estórias que se cruzam, alguns autores percebem unidade nesta narrativa. Entendemos que a unidade neste texto rosiano ganha dimensão plástica nas imagens de Poty, que propõem novas formas de interpretação e diálogo.

The diploma thesis analyses the role of Iran in contemporary relations. It discuss its position by means of its historic background, its religious beliefs, its economic situation, the monetary aspects and its inner politic situation. The main attention is focused on its relations with the United States of America, particularly on economic ties, petrodollar policy and on the Iranian nuclear program threat. It also pays attention to the context of oil importance in the Middle East and to the Israeli foreign policy.

Entre 1869 et 2009, Napoléon Bonaparte fait l'objet de manifestations culturelles à l'occasion de la commémoration des grands moments de sa vie ou de sa carrière politique et militaire. Ces commémorations se déroulent dans des contextes politiques nationaux et internationaux différents. Sous Napoléon III, on note une certaine indifférence, voire même beaucoup de recul pour ne pas trop honorer le fondateur de la dynastie dans un contexte politique difficile pour l'Empereur du Second Empire. La Troisième République alterne entre une attitude prudente et un engagement très fort en 1921. Le moment le plus fort de ces commémorations a lieu pour le bicentenaire de la naissance, en 1969. Les autres bicentenaires, de 1993 à 2009, alternent moments de désintérêt, tensions comme celles soulevées par les polémiques de 2005, et regain de publication chez les éditeurs. Napoléon semble donc un personnage historique difficile à commémorer dans un pays où il continue pourtant d'occuper une place importante dans le paysage culturel, et ce, deux cents ans après. / Between 1869 and 2009 Napoleon Bonaparte was much commemorated through cultural events to celebrate the great periods of his life and his political or military career. Those commemorations took place within various national and international contexts. Under the reign of Napoleon the Third, there was a certain indifference, not to say a lot of reluctance to honor the founder of the dynasty, in a difficult context for the Emperor of the Second Empire. During the Third Republic that interest for Napoleon went from a restrained commitment to a very strong undeniably during the bicentenary of his birth in 1969. As for the other bicentenaries between 1993 and 2009, there were times of disinterest alternating with times of tension like that caused by the controversies in 2005, and also times of increased publishing. Napoleon can therefore be seen as a historical character, who cannot be easily commemorated, in a country where he still stands as a very important person in the cultural scene and that even two hundred years after he resigned.

Au-delà des fantasmes persistants qui entourent la police napoléonienne et son ministre Fouché, aucune étude d'ensemble n'avait encore été consacrée à la «haute police» entre 1799 et 1814. La période du Consulat et de l'Empire est capitale. Elle voit en effet la naissance d'une «haute police», qui ne constitue pas une entité policière spécifique, mais une mission : assurer la survie de l'État et de son chef, par la mise à l'écart des individus perçus comme dangereux. Les «mesures de haute police» prennent une triple forme : surveillance préventive, détention sans jugement, et envoi en «surveillance spéciale» (résidence surveillée). Les discours des autorités justifient l'existence de ces mesures extrajudiciaires et extralégales par la mise en scène d'une menace présentée comme exceptionnelle, et par la nécessité de rassurer, stabiliser et unifier. La «haute police» prend alors une place centrale dans le processus de contrôle de l'esprit public et de renforcement du pouvoir. Napoléon occupe ainsi un rôle croissant dans le contrôle et l'orientation d'une action policière tout entière tournée vers la sauvegarde de sa propre personne. L'élaboration policière de critères de dangerosité en partie nouveaux, imbriquant contrôle politique et contrôle social, permet de construire une surveillance à l'intention panoptique. Cette recherche croise histoire des représentations et histoire «par le bas», au plus près du terrain. Elle remet en cause la vision verticale d'un régime policier, puisque la surveillance préventive s'appuie aussi sur une participation populaire, et que, d'autre part, son efficacité peut être nuancée, à l'échelle de l'Empire. / Beyond the enduring fantasies surrnunding the Napoleonic police and its Minister Fouché, no overall study had yet been devoted to the "high police" between 1799 and 1814. The period of the Consulate and the Empire is crucial, with the birth of a "high police", which did not consist in a specific police entity, but a mission: to ensure the survival of the State and its leader by removing individuals seen a dangerous. "High police measures" took three forms: preventive surveillance, detention without trial, and placing under "special surveillance" (house arrest). The authorities' speeches justified the existence of these extrajudicial and extra-legal measures by staging a threat - presented as exception. - and by introducing the need to reassure, stabilize and unify people. The "high police" then took a central place in the process of controlling the public mind and strengthening the power. Napoleon thus occupied an increasing role in the control and orientation of a police action entirely aiming at protecting his own person.The police development of partially new criteria on dangerousness, intertwining both political and social control, made it possible to build a surveillance with a panoptic purpose. This research combines history of representations and history "from below", studied at ground level. It challenges the vertical interpretation of a police regime, since preventive surveillance is also based on popular involvement, and its effectiveness can be qualified, on the scale of the Empire.

The nineteenth century presents a great increase in publications of guitar methods. Most authors of the time published several versions of their works. Fernando Sor, perhaps the most prominent guitar composers of the time—whose Méthode is regarded today as the most important of the period—only published one edition. However, Napoleon Coste took on the task to do a second account. The literature reviewed shows substantial existing information regarding background, type of text, tone, and contents of Sor's work, but comparisons to date are not substantial. Therefore, there is a need to compare these two texts side by side to yield a complete view of their pairing. The existing negative views of Coste's edition hinder the importance of Coste's work as reference to Segovia's publication of Sor studies, and as a clearer pedagogical application of many of Sor's concepts which are sidetracked by his response to criticism and his elaborations in matters beyond his main subject matter. I provide a comprehensive review of Sor's method, an outline and a consideration of his concepts. Then I offer a complete English translation of Coste's method which is inexistent until now. The comparison follows pointing at differences and similarities. Results show that Coste clarifies and complements many of the principles in less text and simpler language. He modifies certain others either to approach Sor's practice or to depart to a newer standard. He offers his own lessons and sections to apply Sor's concepts. Coste's text heads towards a pedagogical synthesis of Sor's method, but it is incomplete because he omits some concepts without leading the readers to consult Sor. Coste's pedagogical and practical relevance is fundamental for modern standard techniques.