This study argues that the dialectic and the metamorphosis of the basso del tema and tema in Beethoven’s Eroica Variations, Op. 35 mirror the stages of the philosophical thought of German Idealism. The philosophical systems of the post-Kantian generation were housed in the values of the Goethezeit, in which the concept of self was regarded as fundamental for the worldview. In Germany these systems generated a new intellectual ethos that merged cultural nationalism with the glorification of the self (Burnham). Beethoven’s music gave reliable expression to the values of the Goethezeit, depicting the self as a spiritual entity with a constitutive autonomy, a possibility for self-transcendence, and a fundamental condition of struggle for freedom. While research has focused on Beethoven’s heroic style (Broyles) and the philosophy of his music (Adorno), there is very little literature on the relationship between Beethoven’s music and the philosophical thought of the time. In 1930 Schenker discussed the use of the Eroica theme in the Eroica Variations (Marston): first, the material is stated in its simple form; then, rhythmic structure, dynamics, tempo, texture, and key transform it. Schenker considers the large-movement form rather than the theme, giving emphasis to the basso del tema. This study proposes an analysis of Op. 35–focusing first on the first fourteen variations and then on the fifteenth variation and on the fugue individually–as the musical statement of the philosophical thought of the Goethezeit and offers a discussion on the historical perspectives in Op. 35. Then, the study applies the proposed philosophical and historical analysis of the Eroica Variations to explain how an interpretation based on critical theory can help concert performers develop a deeper understanding of such a demanding piece of repertoire. Finally, the study examines the Eroica Variations as one of the most substantial concert pieces for piano by Beethoven and of the beginning of the nineteenth century, and offers suggestions on how to meet the musical and technical challenges of the piece. / Music Performance

The Austrian army played a crucial role in Napoleon's decisive defeat during the War of the Sixth Coalition. Often considered a staid, hidebound institution, the army showed considerable adaptation in a time that witnessed a revolution in the art of war. In particular, changes made after defeat in the War of the Fifth Coalition demonstrate the modernity of the army. It embraced the key features of the new revolutionary way of war, including mass mobilization, a strategy of annihilation, and tactics based on deep echelonment, mobility, and the flexible use of varied formations. While the Austrians did not achieve the compromise peace they desired in 1814, this represented a political failing rather than a military one. Nevertheless, the Austrian army was critical in securing the century of general European peace that lasted until the dawn of the Great War.

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This paper analyzes the political dimensions surrounding visual and literary allusions to soap bubbles. Traditionally, iconographic studies consider soap bubbles within the history of northern Baroque vanitas, attaching to bubbles notions of ephemerality and transience. Building on these interpretations, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century French artists and writers created a complex metaphor for soap bubbles that relied on their impermanence and fragility, as well as their illusory nature. By coupling the earliest conceptual meanings of soap bubbles with their almost imperceptible formal properties, the bubble blower came to symbolize deceivers, or figures creating illusions or delusions. Eventually, this transformed vanitas symbolism became harnessed to political critiques and representative of chimerical assertions of papal authority, calumny, and false promises of liberal reform. I not only describe the alternative meanings associated with soap bubbles in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century France, but also I situate Edouard Manet's Les Bulles de savon (1867) within this trajectory. While most scholars interpret Manet's painting and accompanying prints as a continuation of, and legacy to, the Dutch vanitas tradition, I illustrate how the artistic and political milieu in which Manet worked mirrored earlier criticisms employing allusions to bubbles. / Art History

Napoleon’s defeat in 1813 generates a number of explanations from historians regarding why he lost this epic campaign which ultimately resulted in France losing control over the German states. Scholars discussing the French marshalate of the Napoleonic era frequently assert that these generals could not win battles without the emperor present. Accustomed to assuming a subordinate role under Bonaparte’s direct supervision, these commanders faltered when deprived of the strong hand of the master. This thesis contributes to this historiographical argument by positing that the pre-professional nature of Napoleon’s marshalate precluded them from adapting to the evolving nature of warfare during the First French Empire. Emerging from non-military backgrounds and deriving their capabilities solely from practical experience, the marshals failed to succeed at endeavors outside of their capacity. An examination of the military administration of the Old Regime, the effects of the French Revolution on the French generalate, and the circumstances under which Bonaparte labored when creating the imperial marshalate demonstrates that issues systemic to the French high command contributed to French defeat in 1813. This thesis also provides evidence that Napoleon understood this problem and attempted to better prepare his marshals for independent command by instructing them in his way of war during the 1813 campaign.

No description available.

L’Empire ottoman, au XIXe siècle, s’affaiblit sans cesse et paraît destiné à s'effondrer. Il est l’objet de convoitises et de rivalités entre les puissances européennes. Sous sa suzeraineté, la Syrie et, avec elle, la région du Mont-Liban, est une zone clé sur le plan stratégique puisqu'elle domine l’accès aux voies menant à l’Inde et à l’Asie méridionale et orientale. La France et l'Angleterre tentent toutes deux de s'y imposer par communautés locales interposées : la première à travers les Maronites, la seconde à l'aide des Druzes. Au printemps 1860, des troubles éclatent entre les deux communautés, entraînant le massacre de milliers de chrétiens. Les puissances européennes, poussées par le gouvernement de Napoléon III, s'entendent pour intervenir au moyen d'une commission d'enquête et l'envoi de troupes. Cette expédition a pour mission officielle d’aider l’Empire ottoman à rétablir l’ordre et à protéger les chrétiens. Le présent mémoire démontre que la France impériale entretenait des visées politiques et économiques à l'égard de la Syrie et du Liban. L'historiographie n'avait jusqu'à présent pas analysé en profondeur les véritables mobiles français dans cette expédition. Les ambitions politiques et économiques ont été beaucoup plus déterminantes dans la décision française de mettre en branle l'expédition que le devoir « humanitaire » de protection des chrétiens ou la satisfaction de son opinion publique. Loin de se laisser abattre par la catastrophe que représentent les massacres qui menace la survie de sa clientèle et donc de son influence en Syrie, Paris, et particulièrement son ministre des Affaires étrangères E. Thouvenel, a réussi à tourner la situation à son avantage. Se servant habilement du désir d'ingérence des autres puissances et de son rôle de protectrice des chrétiens, la France est parvenue à acculer au pied du mur l'Angleterre, qui s'opposait à l'intervention, et à justifier celle-ci sur des principes éloignés de ses objectifs réels. Les troubles ont finalement constitué pour elle une occasion d'augmenter l'autonomie de la Montagne par rapport au pouvoir central et la puissance économique et politique de sa clientèle à travers la révision du statut administratif de la région. Ce faisant, elle a renforcé son influence dans l'Est méditerranéen et fait un pas de plus vers une domination française en Syrie. / Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire grew weaker and seemed headed for collapse. It became the object of the ambitions and rivalries of the European powers. Under its suzerainty, Syria, including the Mount Lebanon region, was a key area strategically since it dominated the access routes to India and southern and eastern Asia. France and England both tried to impose their influence by way of local communities. France acted through the Christian Maronites, while Britain used the Druzes. In the spring of 1860, trouble broke out between the two communities, resulting in the massacre of thousands of Christians. The European powers, at the behest of the government of Napoleon III, agreed to intervene by sending a commission of inquiry and troops. The expedition’s official mission was to help the Ottoman Empire to restore order and to protect Christians. This thesis shows that imperial France pursued political and economic goals with regard to Syria and Lebanon. The historiography had not previously analyzed in depth the real French mobile in this expedition. The political and economic ambitions were far more important in its decision to set in motion an expedition than the "humanitarian" Christian duty of providing protection or the satisfaction of the public opinion. Far from being deterred by the catastrophe of the massacre that threatened the survival of its protégés and therefore its influence in Syria, Paris, and especially its foreign minister E. Thouvenel, managed to turn the situation to his advantage. Skilfully using the desire of interference of other powers and its role as protector of Christians, France managed to corner England, which opposed the intervention, and justify it on principles far removed from its real objectives. The troubles finally represented for her an opportunity to widen the autonomy of the Mountain vis-à-vis the central authority of the Ottoman Empire and to increase the economic and political power of its clients through the revision of the administrative status of the region. In so doing, it has strengthened its influence in the eastern Mediterranean and moved a step closer to dominating Syria.

En mélangeant une approche d’histoire culturelle du politique et une perspective comparative, ma recherche étudie les fêtes napoléoniennes qui eurent lieu entre 1799 et 1814 dans la République / Empire français, la République / Royaume d’Italie et le Royaume d’Espagne. Par le biais de cette méthode je dévoilerai l’existence d’un modèle de fête napoléonienne qui était plutôt uniforme dans les trois contextes géographiques considérées, surtout en matière de principes de base, de mots-clés et de valeurs transmises. Mon étude se focalise sur les concepts de souveraineté, de légitimité et de sacralité, visant à mettre en lumière leurs interconnections réciproques et leur signification en rapport avec l’époque napoléonienne par le prisme des fêtes civiques, et notamment par les représentations symboliques, visuelles et discursives qui les ponctuaient. L’analyse de ces représentations permet de mieux comprendre non seulement les manifestations, mais aussi les fondements, les caractéristiques et l’évolution du pouvoir napoléonien. / By combining research methods from the cultural history of the politic with a comparative perspective, my dissertation covers the celebrations of the Napoleonic era that took place between 1799 and 1814 in the Republic (later, Empire) of France, in the Republic (later, Kingdom) of Italy, and in the Kingdom of Spain. My comparative perspective aims to show the existence of a model of Napoleonic celebration that was fairly uniform across the three geographical contexts I studied, especially in its basic principles, fundamental concepts and values conveyed. My study centres on the concepts of sovereignty, legitimacy and sacrality, and aims to shed light on their interplay and their significance in the context of Napoleonic-era civic festivities, especially in terms of the forms of symbolic, visual and discursive representation that were used. My analysis of these forms of representation will allow the reader to better understand not only the manifestations of Napoleonic power, but also its ideological underpinnings, characteristics, and evolution over time.

Cette thèse a pour titre la législation sociale du Second Empire. Depuis la dichotomie imposée par Ernest Lavisse, ce régime est traditionnellement divisé en deux périodes : une autoritaire et une libérale. Un tel changement de cap est généralement expliqué par la perte des soutiens traditionnels du régime. Tentant de séduire l'électorat ouvrier, le gouvernement aurait alors décidé de se lancer dans une législation sociale plus ambitieuse. Un tel schéma voit donc dans l'accélération des mesures sociales de la deuxième moitié du règne, une simple réponse circonstanciée à un contexte politique défavorable ; la législation sociale du Second Empire laissant dès lors peu de place à une cohérence d'ensemble. Il ressort de cette étude que Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte s’est, dès ses premiers écrits de jeunesse, penché sur la question sociale. Ses solutions en la matière tenant en deux principes essentiels : l’ordre et le progrès. En favorisant la prospérité et le développement économique, la stabilité était considérée par le futur Empereur comme le premier remède aux difficultés des classes laborieuses. L’ordre retrouvé, Napoléon III souhaitait ensuite l’adoption de mesures sociales plus ambitieuses.Ainsi, loin d’être guidée par des contraintes extérieures, la législation sociale du Second Empire s’inscrit en réalité dans une logique définie dès l’origine du régime, formant dès lors un ensemble cohérent. / This thesis is entitled social legislation of the Second Empire. Since the dichotomy imposed by Ernest Lavisse, the Second Empire is traditionally divided into two periods : an authoritarian and a liberal. Such a change of direction is usually explained by the loss of the traditional support of the regime. Trying to seduce the working electorate, the government then decided to launch into a more ambitious social legislation. Such a scheme considers the acceleration of the social measures of the second half of the reign as a simple detailed answer to an unfavorable political context; social legislation of the Second Empire leaves little to overall consistency.It is precisely such a presentation that this thesis wished to question. For that, it proposed to redraw the history of the social legislation of the regime, from its origins to the last projects of power interrupted by the Franco-Prussian War.Well, this study underlines that Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, from his earliest youthful writings, turned his attention to the social question. His solutions in this area are based on two essential principles : order and progress. By promoting prosperity and economic development, stability was considered by the future Emperor as the first remedy for the difficulties of the working classes. The order regained, Napoleon III then wanted the adoption of more ambitious social measures.Thus, far from being guided by external constraints, social legislation of the Second Empire is actually part of a logic defined from the origins of the regime, forming a coherent whole.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Savoie, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 1093-1134) and Index.