蘇聯解體之後的俄羅斯，雖然得到主權上的獨立，但卻因為土地及人口的減少和經濟問題的浮現，導致以前能與美國抗衡的強權地位喪失，面對蘇聯的瓦解和國內動盪的社會局勢，俄羅斯民族主義開始強烈反彈。 本論文研究方法採用個案分析法及文獻分析法，首先以歷史的發展進程以及政治文化背景的角度檢視為何當代俄羅斯極端民族主義會興起，接著藉由回顧俄羅斯極端民族主義與國族認同的文獻，充分了解俄羅斯極端民族主義的意涵，最後針對「光頭黨」、「民族布爾什維克黨」兩個影響最大的極端民族主義團體的歷史緣起、理念與行為來探討與俄羅斯國族認同的關係。 綜合本論文的文獻可得知「俄羅斯極端民族主義是保守式的極端民族主義」，懷疑多元種族、多元文化的社會信仰能夠穩定；「俄羅斯極端民族主義團體不利於國族認同的發展」，無論是光頭黨或民族布爾什維克黨都不利於俄羅斯社會的凝聚力還有多元社會的發展；俄羅斯政府把打擊極端民族主義團體視為重要目標，因此「政府對極端民族主義的打擊影響極端民族主義團體日後的發展」。 關鍵字：俄羅斯、極端民族主義、國族認同、光頭黨、民族布爾什維克黨 / Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed independent sovereignty. However, Russia lost its previous power status, which had enabled competition with the United States, because of its diminishing land area and population, as well as increasing economic problems. In response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and rising social unrest, Russian nationalism began to emerge. For this research, case study and literature analysis methods were adopted. This study first examined the reasons for the emergence of contemporary Russian ultranationalism from the perspectives of historical development and political and cultural backgrounds. Subsequently, this study conducted a literature review regarding Russian ultranationalism and national identity to fully understand the content of Russian ultranationalism. Finally, this study examined the relationship between Russian national identity and the historical origins, ideology, and behavior of the 2 most influential ultranationalist groups, specifically, the “skinheads” and “National Bolshevik Party”. Summarizing related literature, this study determines that Russian ultranationalism can be classified as conservative ultranationalism, and the stability of multiethnic and multicultural social beliefs was doubtful. In addition, Russian ultranationalism is detrimental to the development of national identity; specifically, neither the skinheads nor the National Bolshevik Party contributed to the cohesiveness and multifaceted development of Russian society. The quelling of ultranationalist groups has become a significant objective for the Russian government, and the efforts implemented by the Russian government to suppress ultranationalist groups have affected the subsequent development of ultranationalist groups. Keywords: Russia, ultranationalism, national identity, skinhead, National Bolshevik Party

Despite having a rather weak family connection to Ireland, the American modernist poet Marianne Moore (1887-1972) described herself in a letter to Ezra Pound in 1919 as ‘Irish by descent’. This thesis relates Moore’s claim of Irish descent to her career as a publisher, poet and playwright, and argues that her decision to shape an Irish inheritance for herself was linked with her self-identification as an American poet. Chapter 1 discusses Moore’s self-confessed susceptibility to ‘Irish magic’ in relation to the increase in contributions from Irish writers during her editorship of The Dial magazine from 1925 to 1929. Moore’s 1915 poems to the Irish writers George Moore, W. B. Yeats and George Bernard Shaw, which reveal a paradoxical desire for affiliation to, and disassociation from, Irish literary traditions, are scrutinized in Chapter 2. Chapters 3a and b discuss Moore’s ‘Irish’ poems ‘Sojourn in the Whale’ (1917) and ‘Spenser’s Ireland’ (1941). In both poems political events in Ireland – the ‘Easter Rising’ of 1916 and Ireland’s policy of neutrality during World War II – become a backdrop for Moore’s personal anxieties as an American poet of ‘Irish’ descent coming to terms with her political and cultural inheritance. Expanding upon previous chapters’ discussion of the interrelation of poetics and politics, Chapter 4 shows how Moore’s use of Irish sources in ‘Spenser’s Ireland’ and other poems including ‘Silence’ and the ‘Student’ reflects her quixotic attitude to Irish culture as alternately an inspiration and a tool for manipulation. The final chapter discusses Moore’s adaptation of the Anglo-Irish novelist Maria Edgeworth’s 1812 novel The Absentee as a play in 1954. Through this last piece of ‘Irish’ writing, Moore adopts a sentimentality that befits the later stages of her career and illustrates how Irish literature, rather than Irish politics, has emerged as her ultimate source of inspiration.

Cette thèse Çtudie les rapprochements bi-communautaires dans la société civile à Chypre depuis 1974, les mouvements concernés, leurs membres, leurs actions, leurs réussites et leurs difficultés face à des nationalismes vigoureux dans une île coupé en deux hermétiquement jusqu'en 2003. Ces mouvements ne peuvent être coupés de leur contexte, les négociations infructueuses sous l'égide des Nations Unies, le développement des nationalismes, l'influence pesante des Mères-Patries. Il convient également de prendre en compte le passage du temps, les jeunes adultes de 2015 n'ont pas connu les affrontements de 1964 ni l'invasion turque de 1974. / This thesis studies the bicommunal reconciliation movements in Cyprus born in the civil society since 1974, the associations concerned, their members, theirs actions, their success or difficulties in front of vigorous nationalisms in an island tightly halved in two until 2003. Of course these movements cannot be separated from their context, the unsuccessful negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the development of nationalisms, the heavy influence of the Mother Countries. We must also take into account the passage of time, the young adults of 2015 have lived neither the 1964 bicommunal clashes nor the 1974 Turk invasion.

在全球化時代下，運動員遷移成為運動全球化下常見的行為之一。然而，近年來，許多職業運動員不僅只於工作場所上的遷移，而基於各種不同的動機和原因，選擇轉換國籍，拋棄原有的國家，成為歸化球員，許多國家也為了強化國家隊而主動去招募歸化球員。台灣分別在2011年和2013年分別招募了足球員陳昌源和籃球員戴維斯，不論是從戰績還是產業面來看，都被認為是相當成功的招募，本研究以三種研究方法來理解歸化球員在不同面向上帶來的效應。本研究發現，雖然不是唯一的因素，但只要能幫助球隊提升戰績以及有好的表現，歸化球員通常會帶來不錯的產業和技術效應；而在國族論述上，本研究發現，歸化球員在媒體再現上會歷經一段歷程，從原本的洋將，到認同測驗，再到愛國心表露，當被確認愛國心和有優異的表現，歸化球員就會成為媒體在國際情勢或是宣揚台灣美好的新角度。 / The globalization of sports has resulted in increasing labor migration across countries and continents. Recent years, many athletes choose to be naturalized base on different reasons, and many countries also recruite naturalized athletes to enhance the performance of national team. In 2011 and 2013，Taiwan recuited football athlete Xavier Chen and basketball athlete Quincy Spencer Davis III, and they bringed not only good result from international competition but positive influence on economic level. This research found out that if naturalized athletes can help national team become better and also have good personal performance, they can bring positive economic and skill influence. And this research found out the media representation on naturalized athletes has a unique context, from the beginning, media represent the naturalized athletes as foreign players, then after positive result from team and personal performance, media will giva a loyalty and familiarity trials and use their patriotic speech to strengthen the nationalism.

My thesis explores the roles in Albanian nation-building of the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin, an early-twentieth century codification of northern-Albanian customary practices, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, a late-twentieth century movement to conciliate blood feuds in Kosovo. To understand them, we need to know: what both were, in their own terms; their significance; and how they relate to other aspects of nation-building, and comparative examples. I draw on participant-observation fieldwork, archive work and extensive interviews. Nation-building is necessarily complicated and the Albanian case particularly so. The existence of an Albanian nation was contested by neighbouring peoples, and its characteristics, by Albanians themselves. In this complex context, the text of the Kanun, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, give us good insights into Albanian understandings of the nation, and associated nation-building activities, at pivotal points in national history. While the nation-building projects of the region had many elements in common, prominent ideas of a ‘national’ legal tradition are a distinctive aspect of the Albanian case. Both the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve need to be understood as aspects of nation-building. In the context of a crumbling Ottoman Empire, by presenting Albanian customary practices in the form of a legal code, the Albanian codifier made claims about the contents and the people from whom they came. The Kanun demonstrated the existence of a distinct people with a tradition of self-governance and mediation; and made significant contributions to the crucial process of language standardisation. In the context of the 1990s break-up of Yugoslavia, ideas of an Albanian legal tradition re-emerged in Kosovo, in the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve which presented intra-Albanian disputes as national concerns, and drew on traditional values and customary practices to effect conciliations. Subsequently, the Movement itself has become a national resource, through reference to which important ideas about the nation are expressed.

This thesis examines the treatment and experiences of foreign national prisoners in England and Wales. It contains two main arguments. First, I contend that dominant prison theories rely on an outmoded understanding of the nation-state, and as a result, tend to ignore the effects of globalisation. Second, I argue that current prison practices reaffirm the boundaries of the British nation-state and promote an exclusionary notion of British citizenship. I conclude that research attuned to the affective, embodied dimensions of incarceration can help criminologists to develop a more ‘global’ perspective on state power. This argument begins and builds from ethnographic research. As a whole, the thesis is based on more than 200 interviews conducted over the course of a year in and around five men’s prisons in the north, southwest, and center of England. Structurally, it proceeds from a theoretical critique of prison studies, to an ethnographic account of prison life, to a conclusion about the purpose of prison scholarship. Thematically, it focuses on the relationship between identity and imprisonment, and in particular, on the ways in which normative beliefs about race, gender, sexuality, and class get infused in incarceration practices.

The purpose of this thesis was to explore and describe how bilingual programmes are organized and implemented within the unique linguistic and socio-economic case of Qatar. Specifically the thesis explored bilingual programs offered by two types of primary schools in Qatar: international schools and independent schools. Qatar launched a new initiative for educational development in 2001 but with hardly any research linked to these changes. The study was positioned within a qualitative interpretive tradition drawing on elements of ethnography and grounded theory as tools of methodology. However, quantitative methods were also incorporated within the design. The research design is structured within two main phases: phase one included statistical analysis of secondary data investigating three variables: average teaching time in the first and the second language, students’ and teachers’ nationality. Phase two utilized a multi-case study design. One school from each type was examined in depth over a period of nine weeks. Data were collected by means of school documents, interviews, and non-participant observation of English and Arabic classes. The first phase made an initial impression of the model of bilingual education followed by international and independent schools compared to bilingual typologies found in the literature. The analysis of the two cases examined revealed various differences across the two types. Findings reveal that the international school followed a partial immersion type of programme while the independent school followed a Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) type of programme. The study reveals that the Qatari bilingual schools context was one of heteroglossia, with three codes in operation: Modern Standard Arabic, Colloquial Arabic dialects and English. Findings reveal that teachers and students in the international school adopt a strict separation policy between the two languages following a monoglossic belief. Language teachers and students in the independent school were found to apply a flexible language policy inside English and Arabic classes. The study revealed a gap between claimed programme features and implementation of these features. An absence of a clear language policy in the schools was also a main finding relating to the practice of these schools. In light of these findings, adopting a clear and explicit language-in-education policy should be a priority for policy makers in Qatar. The study revealed how the diglossia situation in Qatari schools is unique and therefore schools must be aware of the languages at the disposal of students and teachers. Schools must also concentrate on developing academic language skills needed for success in L2 schooling.

In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.

Ce mémoire part du constat que l’histoire et, a fortiori, la mémoire ont été largement sollicitées par le discours officiel français au moment et au lendemain de la réunification allemande. La fin définitive de l’après-guerre et le retour à la souveraineté diplomatique de l’Allemagne suscitent en France des questions qui inquiètent – en raison notamment du souvenir de l’histoire – et raniment la volonté d’encadrer la puissance allemande dans la communauté européenne. Pour comprendre le rôle que la mémoire a pu tenir dans la diplomatie française, l’étude tente d’analyser l’usage que les responsables français ont fait du passé en tant qu’instrument de la politique étrangère et le poids qu’il a représenté dans la vision française de l’unification allemande. Ce mémoire démontre que l’entendement du passé se conforme, sous toutes ses expressions, à la politique européenne de la France. Il atteste également que la France se saisit de ce moment charnière pour structurer un espace européen qui fait écho aux principes universalistes issus de la Révolution française, lesquels doivent être désormais portés par le binôme franco-allemand. L’invention de la tradition et l’usage métaphorique du passé répondent d’une préoccupation politique de réconciliation franco-allemande et accompagnent la mise en place d’un patriotisme historique sur lequel pourront s’établir les identités civique et juridique européennes. La mémoire officielle, qui est entièrement orientée vers la promotion et la justification de l’avenir communautaire, dénature certaines données historiques de manière à exorciser le présent d’un passé encombrant. Les limites de la mémoire officielle se trouvent donc dans cette représentation d’un passé aseptisé; un passé n’étant pas une finalité, mais un moyen déférant à l’intérêt national. / This dissertation analyzes references to history and, a fortiori, to memory in the official French discourse during and after German unification. Partly because of history, the definitive end of the post-war years and the return of German diplomatic sovereignty caused concern in France, and revived the resolve to contain German influence in the European community. In order to understand the role played by memory in French diplomacy, this dissertation assesses how French leaders used the past as an instrument of foreign policy, and to what extent it influenced the French vision of German unification. It shows that the understanding of the past complies, in all its expressions, with France’s European policy. Furthermore, it confirms that France seized this turning point to structure a European space appealing to the universalist principles stemming from the French Revolution, which, it was hoped, would henceforth be carried by the French-German couple. The invention of tradition and the metaphoric use of the past echo a concern to foster Franco-German reconciliation and are essential to the creation of an historical patriotism on which to build a common European civic and legal identity. Entirely oriented towards the promotion and justification of the European future, official memory distorts some historical facts in order to exorcise the present of a cumbersome past. Rather than an end in itself but a means deferring to the national interest, this representation of the past shows the limits of the official memory.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.