This dissertation enhances Marlovian studies by advancing ongoing scholarly efforts to demystify Marlowe’s stereotypical image as an outsider of his era. Specifically, it aims to challenge the prevailing perception of Christopher Marlowe as a subversive maverick, often delineated in contradistinction to William Shakespeare, England’s so-called national poet. Situating Marlowe in the context of nation-building in early modern England, this dissertation explores how Marlowe participated through his writing in the construction of English national identity. Through reading Marlowe’s five plays, Dido Queen of Carthage, Tamburlaine the Great Part One, Tamburlaine the Great Part Two, Edward II, and The Jew of Malta, my dissertation reveals that Marlowe’s ideal England is a political entity of complete sovereignty, a new empire of unprecedented achievement, and an imagined community ruled by its monarch and governors with good governance. With its emphasis on the inseparable fusion of nation and empire and the inevitable incorporation of outsiders, such English nationhood, I suggest, is an eighth form of nationhood in addition to the seven others proposed by Richard Helgerson. It is neither Patrick Cheney’s counter-nationhood nor completely Helgerson’s nationhood under royal absolutism. Since the monarch and patriotism are at its centre, Marlowe’s ideal English nationhood does not differ greatly from depictions offered by other contemporary writers. I argue that Marlowe shares more commonality with other authors of his era than has previously been understood, at least in terms of writing English nationhood. I propose that we should explore such commonality, rather than fetishizing Marlowe’s peculiarity, to gain a more nuanced, fuller image of Marlowe, who has long been obscured by his arguably more renowned contemporaries. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / This dissertation reexamines Christopher Marlowe’s stereotypical image in current scholarship as an outsider of his era by looking at how Marlowe writes about England in the context of early modern nation-building. Focusing on Marlowe’s five plays, Dido Queen of Carthage, Tamburlaine the Great Part One, Tamburlaine the Great Part Two, Edward II, and The Jew of Malta, my readings reveal that what Marlowe envisions through his writing is an English nation marked by complete autonomy, remarkable achievement, and good governance. At the heart of this nationhood lies the patriotism similarly expressed by other Elizabethan writers in their literary fashioning of English nationhood. I argue that Marlowe, in this regard, shares more commonality with his contemporaries than has previously been understood. Exploring this commonality allows us to revalue the historical position of Marlowe, who has long been obscured by arguably more renowned writers of his day.

All Roads Lead to the Snow-Capped Mountains: An Examination of Snow in Norwegian Nation Building During the Late 19th Century. Uppsala University: Dep. of History of Science and Ideas, Bachelor of Art’s thesis, spring term 2024. This essay examines three literary works by Norwegian polar explorer Fridtjof Nansen. The purpose is to explore the ways in which snow played a part in Norwegian nationalism at the end of the 19th century. At the time that Nansen’s books were originally published, Norway had been at the political and cultural mercy of its neighboring nations for the past five centuries. An ambition for complete independence was brewing, and Fridtjof Nansen became part of a group of intellectuals tasked with creating a new national identity, one that was constructed through the creation of cultural borders and visions of a nation aligned with a perceived glorious past. National romanticism had a strong grip on Europe in general during this time, and infusing the national identity with a romanticized nature was commonplace. Norway is no exception to this, but the argument put forth here is that snow played a particular part in creating the new nation, aside from the rest of nature. Fridtjof Nansen personified, through his own activism and resistance to the unions, the Norwegian identity, and became in a sense synonymous with it. Through his personal relationship with snow, snow became personal to the nation.

This Master thesis investigates the concept of “die dummen Schweden”, and how it is used in the Swedish press during the period 1855–1950. This is done with the aim to, through analysis of the concept, shed light on the rhetorical and contextual use of the phrase “die dummen Schweden”. There is also an aim to explore what the use of the concept reflects in terms of national identity and national self-image, and what that in turn indicates about images of the 'other'. This is done by a combined theoretical framework, containing three parts: Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory, dialogical concepts from Mikhail Bakhtin and an imagological part. The theoretical framework is applied through a textual analysis, where the emphasis lies on viewing the articles as dialogical in the Bakhtinian sense, and the conceptual use as part of an articulatory practice. The analysis of the conceptual use of the phrase ”die dummen Schweden” during the period highlights two overarching themes. From 1855 and onwards, the dominating view of “die dummen Schweden” is that of the expression as signifying a real and existing belief abroad, that the foreigner says and thinks about the Swedes. Primarily it is a belief projected onto Germans, but the conceptual use showcases a modularity regarding who the concept “die dummen Schweden” is ascribed to. In the early 20th-century a different discursive articulation enters the press. This consists of deconstructing the former belief, and questioning its facticity as an expression being used abroad. Rather, “die dummen Schweden” is here explained as a self-image, something constructed by Swedes for Swedes. Although the notion of ”die dummen Schweden” as something constructed and as a self-image indicates a shift in the discursive economy surrounding the concept, both ontological views co-exist throughout the time period. Through the analysis of the concept, images of Swedishness emerge, such as the notion of the Swede as naive and easily duped when in contact with foreigners. These are images that are articulated in relation to images of the 'other'. This study therefore, through the lens of the concept of “die dummen Schweden”, provides insight to how national identity during the period was being formulated in relation to images of the national self, images of others and the space in between, the projected images of what they think of us.

[pt] Com vistas a tecer uma crítica ao conceito de reconciliação, entendido dentro do campo do conhecimento da justiça de transição, essa dissertação observa o contexto pós-ditadura brasileiro, com destaque aos instrumentos relacionados. Nota que existe uma ligação em discursos e práticas, na teoria e nos casos concretos, entre a reconciliação e a identidade nacional. Percebe que nessa relação existe um problema: ao passo que etimologicamente diferentes, quando análogas produzem esquecimento, apaziguamento, pacificação, podendo gerar o que objetivamente no começo não se queria: o retorno de regimes autoritários. Para analisar o panorama brasileiro e as definições dos três termos em destaque – justiça de transição, reconciliação e identidade nacional -, faz uso da filosofia política de Gilles Deleuze. Como meio de criação de uma nova ontologia, traz discussões acerca da lei e das instituições, um novo modo de análise da micropolítica e como agem os enunciados coletivos e palavras de ordem. Ao examinar o significado de mecanismos e discursos na transição brasileira – investigando a produção da Lei de Anistia, os passos para e da Constituinte, a CEMDP, a Comissão de Anistia, os processos judiciais e a CNV -, estabelece o caminho e conteúdo das linhas de segmentaridade dura, flexível e de fuga, bem como as capturas do Estado em razão da axiomática capitalista. Esse estudo explicita que não ocorreu uma reconciliação política no país, que a justiça de transição se encontra inacabada, que a identidade nacional é um discurso para omitir violências e que silenciar o passado não basta para sua não repetição. / [en] With the aim to criticize the concept of reconciliation, understood within the field of knowledge of transitional justice, this thesis observes the post-dictatorship context in Brazil, with emphasis on the related instruments. It notes that there is a link in speeches and practices, in theory and in concrete cases, between reconciliation and national identity. It realizes that there is a problem in this relationship: while etymologically different, when made analogues they produce oblivion, appeasement, pacification, and can generate what objectively in the beginning was not wanted: the return of authoritarian regimes. To analyze the Brazilian panorama and the definitions of the three highlighted terms - transitional justice, reconciliation and national identity -, is used Gilles Deleuze s political philosophy. As a way of creating a new ontology, it brings discussions about law and institutions, a new way of analyzing micropolitics and how collective enunciation and order words act. When examining the meaning of mechanisms and discourses in the Brazilian transition - investigating the production of the Amnesty Law, the steps to and of the Constituent Assembly, the CEMDP, the Amnesty Commission, the lawsuits and the CNV -, it sets up the form and content of the lines of hard segmentation, flexible and of flight, as well as the State s captures due to the capitalist axiomatic. This study explains that there was no political reconciliation in the country, that transitional justice is unfinished, that national identity is a discourse to omit violence and that silencing the past is not enough for its non-repetition.

Introduced diploma thesis presents the results of the research project which investigated the impact on the national identity. The goal of the research project was to find out with a help of the quality research, in detail an anchored theory, the central phenomenon in the perception of the national identity. The results of the anchored theory shows, that this phenomenon is level of adaptation of the individual on the environment respectively level of acculturation and flowingly level of reintegration. Intervene conditions, such as strategy of the handling of the stress situations, work success or family and friends' bounds also influence this phenomenon. Main context line in this direction presents emigration and re-emigration of the individual with all the possible causes and intervene conditions. Important part of the context line is the fact of the leaving of the individual itself, including his or hers preparation for leaving the country. This in its' nature determines even the process of acculturation of the individual in emigration with the impact on the perception of the national identity. If I should state the result of the research in one sentence, I would characterize it as following: "Level of acculturation of the individual in the emigration determines the perception of the national...

The diploma thesis "Construction of Czech national identity in Czech print media: a qualitative analysis of Mladá fronta DNES and Právo daily newspapers in the years 1999 and 2004" is concerned with the media constructing of Czech national identity in the content of two significant Czech print dailies. The concrete period chosen for the analysis of the construction is from 1st until 31st March in 1999 and it involves the accession of the Czech Republic to NATO (12th March), in the year 2004 the period is from 19th April until 19th May and it contains the accession of the Czech Republic to the EU (1st May). The qualitative method is used for the study of the construction. It is dealt with as an interpretative analysis of the text. With the aid of the relevant literature the study analyzes and interprets the found constructions of Czech national identity. It examines what identity and character and which traditions and attributes are given to the Czech nation by selected newspapers. It notices potential differences and uniformities between both newspapers and between 1999 and 2004. The analytical part of the thesis is complemented by the theoretical part and the methodology. The methodology describes the chosen technique of the analytical work. The theoretical part includes description of the period...

This dissertation argues that Gyekye, in his idea of communitarianism, has a contribution to make towards the understanding of the socio-political structures of multicultural communities in Africa. Gyekye's construct of metanationality, in relation to his communitarian ethics, addresses the socio-political and cultural problems confronting multicultural communities, with particular reference to Nigeria. In an attempt to achieve his idea of a "metanational state", Gyekye claims that: (1) "personhood" is partially defined by a communal structure; (2) equal moral attention should be given both to individual interests and community interests; (3) it is necessary to integrate the "ethic of responsibility" with "rights"; (4) members of the nation-state should be considered equal; (5) in order to achieve nationhood in a multicultural community, it is essential to move beyond "ethnicity" and (6) in an attempt to form a national culture, attention should be drawn to "the elegant" aspects of cultures of various ethno-cultural communities. / Philosophy / M.A. (Philosophy)

This thesis explores how burglars and burglary in London were understood in cultural, criminological, legal, political, and economic discourse during the period 1860-1939, demonstrating how the ideas about crime and the criminal circulating in these domains were mutually constitutive. Specifically, it identifies how characterisations of burglary in visual and written forms of media — encompassing legal and criminological documents, as well as those produced by the press and commercial advertising, and in fiction, theatre, and film — cultivated a range of attitudes towards the crime to a greater or lesser extent. Encompassing not only fear-mongering and sympathetic representations, but also those designed to be exciting, to challenge preconceptions, and to entertain, I argue that these conflicting attitudes towards burglary and burglars emerged in response to specific changes in the cultural landscape: the advent of mass literacy and corresponding interest in narratives of crime that reflected the social, cultural, and political concerns of an audience diverse of class, age, and gender; the commercial imperatives of the insurance and entertainment industries as the middle classes expanded, including the development of household insurance and the popularity of the ‘true crime’ genre; debates surrounding women’s increasing social and sexual agency and their alignment with particular crimes; and the evolution of new modes of policing and regulation. The thesis thereby uses the topic of burglary to illuminate a broader range of contemporary preoccupations and experiences with gender relations, class structures and stereotypes, and the moral authority of state and society. By approaching burglary as a focus of interactions not only between police, criminal, and victim, but also between the market, consumers, and the state, this thesis uncovers new terrain upon which crime intersected with everyday lives historically.

對中國大陸及相關問題的研究，在面對中國大陸以政治、經濟與武力威脅，並不時主張對台擁有主權的台灣而言，實在很難脫離「顯學」的地位；也就是因為中國大陸的威脅一直存在著，兩岸關係與台灣的生存就不得不緊密結合在一起，所以對中國大陸問題的研究，以兩岸關係作為研究結果的呈現，就成為學者所熱中的項目之一。當前，兩岸關係的研究已到汗牛充棟的地步，但對兩岸關係理論的建立卻明顯不足，這個不足對於已有的兩岸關係研究成果，常構成諸多不周延之處，經常被學者提及。 現有兩岸關係的研究，雖有外交史途徑(the diplomatic history approach)、分裂國家途徑(the divided nation approach)、理性選擇途徑(the rational choice approach)、菁英衝突途徑(the elite conflict approach)及不對稱政治過程途徑(the asymmetrical political approach)等五大類，但卻沒有任何一類將台灣國家認同分作制度認同、文化認同及族群認同三個環節加以討論，並依此討論作為研究兩岸關係的途徑者，但明顯的卻是台灣的國家認同內涵變化，對於兩岸關係具有決定性的影響力，因此，本論文在假設中共對台「併吞」態度長期不變的情況下，集中探討台灣民眾由兩蔣時代經李登輝時代，到陳水扁時代的國家認同轉變，及其對兩岸的影響，並意圖建構以台灣國家認同變遷作為自變相，以兩岸關係作為應變相的兩岸關係研究途徑（approach），甚至進一步建立國家認同變遷對兩岸關係影響的理論，至少也應補充現有兩岸關係的各類理論，讓各家理論或研究途徑在解釋、描繪與預測兩岸關係過程中，多加考慮台灣民眾對國家認同的主流意向，使得兩岸關係的相關理論或途徑因而更加周延與完備。 「國家認同」（national Identity）的含意眾說紛紜，國內學者江宜樺教授主張國家認同應該以「族群認同」、「文化認同」及「制度認同」三個主要層面來討論，只有三個層面的綜合表現，才得以稱為完整的國家認同內涵，本文就是借用此三個環節，進行國家認同的討論，本文中更指：「族群認同」是以認同中國人或認同台灣人為討論主軸，「文化認同」則指台灣經由本土化的推動後，台灣人民對於台灣文化或中國傳統文化認同的區隔，「制度認同」是在討論台灣人民認同中華民國政治體制運作，或認同中華人民共和國政治體制運作的區別；由兩蔣時期、李登輝時期及陳水扁時期，台灣在此三個環節中的整體表現，構結出當時特有的國家認同表現，從中以縱向比較的方式，討論台灣國家認同的變遷情形，並就當時的國家認同情形與當時的兩岸關係作相對應的探討，以建立自兩蔣以降台灣國家認同變遷與兩岸關係變化的因果關係，再從因果關係的確立中，推論出現階段及往後兩岸關係，在台灣領導人有意引導國家認同變遷方向，及中共僵硬的對台政策相互衝撞下，兩岸關係的可能發展方向，提供在此領域的研究者另一種值得深思的面向與空間，讓兩岸關係的理論建構更加完備。 / Researches of Mainland China and relative inquires can hardly be separated from the position of “Explicit Learning” in Taiwan, while facing political, economical as well as military threats from Mainland China, in addition to the constant declaration of its sovereign right on Taiwan. Due to the threats from Mainland Chain remain unchanged, cross-strait relations and the existence of Taiwan can’t help but tightly link together. Thus, presentations of research results concerning cross-strait relations have become one of the popular research topics for scholars. At present, numerous researches of cross-strait relations have been carried out, yet the establishment of cross-strait relations theory is somehow obviously inadequate. Such insufficiency often results in a variety of negligence to the outcome of existed cross-strait relations researches and it is frequently brought up by scholars. Although present researches on cross-strait relations are categorized into five approaches; the diplomatic history approach, the divided nation approach, the rational choice approach, the elite conflict approach and the asymmetrical political approach. Nevertheless, there is none to categorize Taiwan national identity into three key aspects which are systematic identity, cultural identity and ethnic identity for further discussion, and nor is it discussed accordingly to include it as an approach of researching cross-strait relations. However, it is clearly that the connotation change of Taiwan’s national identity has decisive influence on cross-strait relations. As a result, this dissertation is based on the assumption that China’s attitude of swallowing up Taiwan by military force remains unchanged in the long run and concentrates on the discussion of national identity alteration of the Taiwan people starting from the era of Chiang Kai-Sheik and his son Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian , and its influence on Mainland China and Taiwan. It also means to build a research approach on cross-strait relations in this dissertation by setting the change of Taiwan‘s national identity as the independent variable and cross-strait relations as the dependent variable. It further establishes a theory of the influence of national identity alternation on cross-strait relations. Therefore, this dissertation at least provides additional information to assorted theories of cross-strait relations and allows scholars to take the main-stream national identity of the Taiwan People into deeper consideration while they are in the process of explaining, describing and predicting cross-strait relations; hence, it makes the related theories or approaches of cross-strait relations sounder and more complete. The meaning of national identity is rather confusing. Professor Chiang Yi-Hua thinks that national identity ought to be discussed from three aspects of ethnic identity, cultural identity and systematic identity. Without a combined performance of these three aspects complete national identity connotation can’t be existed. This research uses these three aspects to make discussions on national identity. In the research it clearly points out “national identity” is discussed mainly on identifying the Chinese or identifying Taiwan people and “cultural identity” means the identity division of the Taiwan people towards Taiwan culture or Chinese traditional culture after the movement of localization. “Systematic identity” is to discuss the identity difference of the Taiwan people in the political system operations of the Republic of China or People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s overall performance of these three aspects, from the era of Chiang, Kai-Sheik and Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian, created a specific national identity performance during those periods. Vertical comparison was applied to discuss the change of Taiwan’s national identity. Mutual discussions on national identity and cross-strait relations during that period are also completed to launch cause-result connection between Taiwan’s national identity and change of cross-strait relations since the two Chiang era, afterwards, present and future cross-strait relations are inferred from the certainty of cause-result connection and possible development of cross-strait relations under the impacts of Taiwan leader who intends to induce the alternation direction of national identity and Mainland China’s stiff Taiwan policy. It is to present another thinking path and space to researchers who are involved in this field and allow the theory structure of cross-strait relations better equipped.

蘇聯解體之後的俄羅斯，雖然得到主權上的獨立，但卻因為土地及人口的減少和經濟問題的浮現，導致以前能與美國抗衡的強權地位喪失，面對蘇聯的瓦解和國內動盪的社會局勢，俄羅斯民族主義開始強烈反彈。 本論文研究方法採用個案分析法及文獻分析法，首先以歷史的發展進程以及政治文化背景的角度檢視為何當代俄羅斯極端民族主義會興起，接著藉由回顧俄羅斯極端民族主義與國族認同的文獻，充分了解俄羅斯極端民族主義的意涵，最後針對「光頭黨」、「民族布爾什維克黨」兩個影響最大的極端民族主義團體的歷史緣起、理念與行為來探討與俄羅斯國族認同的關係。 綜合本論文的文獻可得知「俄羅斯極端民族主義是保守式的極端民族主義」，懷疑多元種族、多元文化的社會信仰能夠穩定；「俄羅斯極端民族主義團體不利於國族認同的發展」，無論是光頭黨或民族布爾什維克黨都不利於俄羅斯社會的凝聚力還有多元社會的發展；俄羅斯政府把打擊極端民族主義團體視為重要目標，因此「政府對極端民族主義的打擊影響極端民族主義團體日後的發展」。 關鍵字：俄羅斯、極端民族主義、國族認同、光頭黨、民族布爾什維克黨 / Abstract Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed independent sovereignty. However, Russia lost its previous power status, which had enabled competition with the United States, because of its diminishing land area and population, as well as increasing economic problems. In response to the collapse of the Soviet Union and rising social unrest, Russian nationalism began to emerge. For this research, case study and literature analysis methods were adopted. This study first examined the reasons for the emergence of contemporary Russian ultranationalism from the perspectives of historical development and political and cultural backgrounds. Subsequently, this study conducted a literature review regarding Russian ultranationalism and national identity to fully understand the content of Russian ultranationalism. Finally, this study examined the relationship between Russian national identity and the historical origins, ideology, and behavior of the 2 most influential ultranationalist groups, specifically, the “skinheads” and “National Bolshevik Party”. Summarizing related literature, this study determines that Russian ultranationalism can be classified as conservative ultranationalism, and the stability of multiethnic and multicultural social beliefs was doubtful. In addition, Russian ultranationalism is detrimental to the development of national identity; specifically, neither the skinheads nor the National Bolshevik Party contributed to the cohesiveness and multifaceted development of Russian society. The quelling of ultranationalist groups has become a significant objective for the Russian government, and the efforts implemented by the Russian government to suppress ultranationalist groups have affected the subsequent development of ultranationalist groups. Keywords: Russia, ultranationalism, national identity, skinhead, National Bolshevik Party