Cette thèse étudie les rapprochements bi-communautaires dans la société civile à Chypre depuis 1974, les mouvements concernés, leurs membres, leurs actions, leurs réussites et leurs difficultés face à des nationalismes vigoureux dans une île coupée en deux hermétiquement jusqu'en 2003. Ces mouvements ne peuvent être coupés de leur contexte, les négociations infructueuses sous l'égide des Nations Unies, le développement des nationalismes, l'influence pesante des Mères-Patries. Il convient également de prendre en compte le passage du temps, les jeunes adultes de 2015 n'ont pas connu les affrontements de 1964 ni l'invasion turque de 1974. / This thesis studies the bicommunal reconciliation movements in Cyprus born in the civil society since 1974, the associations concerned, their members, theirs actions, their success or difficulties in front of vigorous nationalisms in an island tightly halved in two until 2003. Of course these movements cannot be separated from their context, the unsuccessful negotiations under the aegis of the United Nations, the development of nationalisms, the heavy influence of the Mother Countries. We must also take into account the passage of time, the young adults of 2015 have lived neither the 1964 bicommunal clashes nor the 1974 Turk invasion.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.

This project report offers insight into my research, creative process and work during my two-year Master in visual communication at Konstfack, Stockholm.Clean: Not the Monochrome, Universal and Neutral Modernism You Expect is the published culmination of a period of visual research highlighting Modernism — Modernist (graphic) design and architecture to be precise — as a power structure by uncovering its connections to colonialism and design authoritarianism through misperception, whiteness, exclusive practicing and imposition.The book uses intersections of visual material, personal experience and theory to deconstruct the inheritance of the creative practitioner working in the realm of Modernism as well as its presumed neutrality.

Esta pesquisa estuda o projeto de canto orfeônico nas escolas públicas paulistas das décadas de 1910 e 1920. Nesta época, os mentores do movimento orfeônico João Gomes Junior, Carlos Alberto Gomes Cardim, Fabiano Lozano, Lázaro Lozano, Honorato Faustino e João Baptista Julião foram pioneiros em trazer essa modalidade de ensino musical para a escola brasileira. Ainda assim, muitos deles foram em grande medida esquecidos ou, ao menos, colocados num segundo plano na história da educação musical. Este projeto de ensino musical buscava civilizar os costumes, favorecer a construção de uma identidade nacional e ensinar uma audição de mundo associada aos padrões da música ocidental moderna erudita. O período abordado é de notável importância para o ensino musical, uma vez que as experiências e postulados aí desenvolvidos representaram a fonte de Villa-Lobos para fazer do canto orfeônico um fenômeno de dimensão nacional no Brasil na década de 1930. / This research studies the Orpheonic Singing project in public schools of São Paulo State in the 1910s and 1920s. At that time, the men who idealized such initiative João Gomes Junior, Carlos Alberto Gomes Cardim, Fabiano Lozano, Lázaro Lozano, Honorato Faustino e João Baptista Julião were pioneers in bringing to Brazilian schools this kind of musical teaching. Despite of that, many of them have been largely forgotten or, at least, have had their role minimized in Brazilian history of music education. This project intended to civilize social customs, with the objective of building national identity, and to teach a point of earring tied to the standards of western erudite music tradition. Musical teaching experiences and axioms of the 1910s and 1920s decades were especially important for they were the main source used by Villa-Lobos to become Orpheonic Singing a national phenomenon in the 1930s in Brazil.

A presente tese analisa as formas de estruturação e as relações entre as comunidades lituanas radicados na Argentina, Brasil e Uruguai. De forma comparada, buscaremos compreender as referências identitarias deste grupo nacional durante o processo de desenraizamento territorial e a formação dos laços de solidariedade ao longo do processo de inserção nos diferentes Estados nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisaremos como estas comunidades se relacionavam, para além das fronteiras dos países em que se estabeleceram, construindo intercâmbios de experiências e organizando movimentos sociais e políticos. Das diferentes posturas políticas identificaremos os conflitos no interior das comunidades e destas com os Estados e a sociedade argentina, brasileira e uruguaia. Ainda consideraremos o papel do governo lituano nas formações comunitárias, durante o período de independência do país (1918 1940). Procuraremos observar a relação entre os lituanos de origem judaica com a estruturação das comunidades nacionais lituanas. Adotaremos como balizas temporais os anos de 1920 a 1950, contemplando os dois principais momentos desta imigração para a América do Sul. / We aim to investigate the forms of organization and the relation among the Lithuanian communities rooted in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. By comparing them, we seek to understand the identity references within each national group during the process of territorial unrooting and solidarity bonding along with the inset processes in the different national States. At the same time, we intend to analise how those communitites have related to each other, beyond the country boundaries in which they had established themselves, building experience interchanges and organizing social and political movements. From the different political postures, we intend to identify the conflicts within the communities and against the Argentinian, Brazilian, and Uruguayan States and societies. We still intend to consider the Lithuanian government role in the community formation during the period of the country independency (1918-1940). We also look for observing the relation among the originally Jewish Lithuanian and the Lithuanian national communities formation process. We have considered the years between 1920 and 1950 as our time range, comprising the two main moments of the imigration to South America.

La thèse analyse, dans une perspective historique et comparative, le parcours suivi vers la citoyenneté sociale par les populations afro-descendantes d’Amérique centrale entre 1948 et 1966. Avec le système esclavagiste puis son abolition comme points de départ de la réflexion, les Africains et les Afro-descendants du monde entier ont commencé à systématiser leurs réflexions, leurs luttes et leur organisation, notamment au travers de personnalités comme Marcus Garvey ou d’organisations comme le Mouvement panafricaniste, afin de rejeter la stigmatisation apportée par l’invention coloniale de la « race noire ». Ce processus s’est initié entre la Première Guerre mondiale et l’émergence du système des Nations unies, qui a fourni la base d’un nouvel ordre international, se traduisant notamment par la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme et le début de la décolonisation en Afrique. Après les indépendances centraméricaines au début du XIXe siècle et au cours des processus de construction républicaine à l’oeuvre dans chacun des pays de la région, le développement national au Guatemala, au Honduras, au Nicaragua, au Costa Rica et au Panama a toutefois été marqué par l’empreinte identitaire laissée par la Couronne espagnole dans la région ainsi que par des politiques de métissage et/ou de blanchiment de la population. À partir de la deuxième partie du XIXe siècle, la vague d’immigration d’origine africaine en provenance des Caraïbes a remis en question cet imaginaire collectif et l’idée de citoyenneté portée par les élites de chaque pays. Si la question normative de la citoyenneté afro-descendante en Amérique centrale s’est donc longtemps inscrite dans un contexte international d’exclusion raciale, qui renvoie notamment au système de ségrégation aux États-Unis, le développement progressif de dispositifs légaux dans chaque pays a ouvert une nouvelle ère d’intégration citoyenne après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, faisant écho aux nouveaux instruments juridiques internationaux et à la Charte internationale des droits de l’homme. / The thesis analyzes, through comparative and historical perspectives, the path followed by theAfrodescendant populations in Central America, between 1948 and 1966, towards social citizenship. Having theslavery system and its latter abolition as a starting point, the African and Afrodescendant populations around theworld systematized their thoughts, battles and organization, especially through personalities such as Marcus Garveyand the Pan Africanist Movement; as means to counteract the burden created by the colonial invention of the “blackrace”. This process had place when the World War I and the United Nations System provided the base for a newinternational order; which after World War II, turned into creating the Organization of United Nations, the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights and the beginning of decolonization in Africa. In addition, after the Central AmericanIndependence and in the middle of their republican construction, the differentiated national development followed byGuatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama, took over the identity footprint institutionalized by theSpanish crown in the region; which afterwards turned into the miscegenation and/or population whitening. However,the wave of Caribbean Afrodescendant immigration from the second half of the nineteenth century, confronted thecollective imaginary as well as the citizen profile chosen by each of these country elites. Therefore, the singularnormative and social citizenship progress of the Afrodescendant populations in Central America, fell within theinternational racial exclusion context, such as United States’ racial segregation; as well as the paradoxicalrefinement of civil matters legal provisions in each country, and the strengthening of national measures restrictingimmigration; all of the above as part of a new human rights era, with its international legal instruments and theInternational Bill of Human Rights.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:33:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Kelly Aparecida Mendes.pdf: 22000835 bytes, checksum: 06b8903bf1634e1239c499c3a8198883 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This essay discusses the theme of the interference of American culture in Brazilian culture, manifested by words of English Language in the clothing trade in the city of São Paulo. It aims to analyze the influence of American language and culture in the Brazilian context focusing on linguistic practices and the relationship between language and culture. The specific objective is to analyze the words of the English language presents on the names of shops of three streets in the clothing trade in the city of São Paulo in what regards grammatical classes and semantic aspects, and the relationship of those words with Brazilian culture. The analysis will be based on theoretical reflections of scholars on cultural identities and relationships between language and culture, which are revealing the influences of cultural contacts promoted by globalization nowadays. In the specific case of this paper, we focus on the hypothesis that there is an influence of American culture in Brazilian culture that motivates the preference for words in the English language to compose the names (brands) of shops, confirmed by the results obtained / Esta dissertação tem como tema a interferência da cultura americana na cultura brasileira, manifesta pela presença de palavras de língua inglesa no comércio de vestuário na cidade de São Paulo. Tem como objetivo geral analisar a influência da língua e da cultura americanas no contexto brasileiro com ênfase nas práticas linguísticas e nas relações entre língua e cultura. O objetivo específico é analisar as palavras de língua inglesa presentes nos nomes de lojas de três ruas do comércio de vestuário da cidade de São Paulo no que tange a classes gramaticais e aspectos semânticos, bem como a relação dessas palavras com a cultura brasileira. A análise terá como base teórica as reflexões de estudiosos sobre as identidades culturais e a relações entre língua e cultura, que são reveladoras das influências dos encontros culturais promovidos pela globalização na atualidade. No caso específico deste trabalho, nos concentramos na hipótese de que há uma influência da cultura americana na cultura brasileira que motiva a preferência por palavras de língua inglesa na composição de nomes (marcas) de lojas, confirmada por meio dos resultados obtidos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:59:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pedro Silva.pdf: 787216 bytes, checksum: dc871a5111d757e26065a9e3fb9d8188 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-21 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The purpose of this work was to redeem the masterpieces of Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto, writer of inestimable value, brazilian modernity s pioneer, but who, in spite of all these qualities, was rejected by his contemporary critics.To reach that goal we reconstituted his trajectory and historical context to be able to analyze certain myths that stigmatized him and his works in negative way. The writer was accused of being a negligent, revengeful, incompetent person and alcoholic as well, in a time where a literary work was evaluated through a biographical prism and considered the writer s life reflex. Then we tried to emphasize the importance of Lima Barreto s work in the national identity construction. We showed that since the very beginning of national literature, writers had assumed the task of developing it. This formulation, however, was market by the colonialism ideology, characterized by the ethnical and social exclusion of the negro, the indian, the mestizo, and the white pauper. Lima Barreto s militant literatures helps to reveal this ideology, based on idealized national identity and in a contradictory way, creates precedents for it to be recreated in modern times. To help understand the rupture operated by Lima Barreto, we built a synopsis of writers, critics and intellectuals that dealt with this issue. Following that perspective, we analyzed two Lima Barreto s capital masterpieces Policarpo Quaresma s Sad Ending and Clerk Isaías Caminha s Remembrances, whose protagonists reveal, through a confrontation between a formal and a real Brazil, in an ironical and sarcastic way, the country s flaws, governed by elites that conceal them through the official discourse so that they can satisfy their own hidden interests. Lima Barreto s work sarcastic accent doesn t make it superficial, as criticized by his pairs, but on contrary helps to reveal the essence of the national character / O objetivo geral deste trabalho consistiu em resgatar a obra de Afonso Henriques de Lima Barreto, escritor de valor inestimável, precursor do modernismo brasileiro, mas que, a despeito de tais qualidades, foi execrado pela crítica de sua época. Para isso, reconstituímos sua trajetória e o contexto histórico de sua época, visando a analisar alguns mitos que o estigmatizavam e influíram de modo negativo na apreciação de sua obra. Pesavam sobre o escritor as acusações de desleixado, vingativo, incompetente e alcoólatra, numa época em que uma obra era avaliada sob o prisma do biografismo e tida como um reflexo da vida do escritor. A seguir, procuramos demonstrar a importância da obra de Lima Barreto no processo de construção da identidade nacional. Mostramos que, desde os primórdios da literatura pátria, os escritores tomaram para si o papel de construí-la. Essa formulação, entretanto, foi marcada pela ideologia do colonialismo, com a exclusão étnica e social do negro, do índio, do mestiço e do branco pobre. A literatura militante de Lima Barreto desvela essa ideologia, sustentáculo da identidade nacional idealizada, e, contraditoriamente, abre precedentes para que ela seja reconstruída na modernidade. Para que a ruptura operada por Lima Barreto fosse compreendida, traçou-se um painel com o pensamento de escritores, críticos e intelectuais que se ocuparam dessa questão. Nessa perspectiva, analisamos duas obras capitais de Lima Barreto: Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha e Triste fim de Policarpo Quaresma, cujos protagonistas, ao estabelecerem um confronto entre o Brasil real e o formal, revelam, em tom irônico e sarcástico, as mazelas do país comandado por elites que as ocultam, por meio do discurso oficial, para satisfazerem interesses particulares e escusos. O tom caricatural da obra de Lima Barreto não a torna superficial, como afirmavam seus contemporâneos, mas reveladora dos sentimentos e do caráter nacional

Family and children are brought to the front in contemporary Russia and constitute an important policy area. Manifesting the centrality of family and children, the period 2018―2027 has also been officially proclaimed “the decade of childhood”, leading to numerous policy initiatives and momentous media attention. The thesis explores this current development with a particular interest in what role the family plays in asserting and negotiating (state) power and in the overall national project of constructing Russianness. The aim is thus to examine the articulations of Russianness and family in policy and media in contemporary Russia. The analysis is conducted mainly at the level of discourse and is inspired by Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Applying constructivist theories of nationalism in conjunction with feminist theories that critique the concepts of the nation and the state, the thesis demonstrates how the discourse articulated in policy documents and state-controlled media interconnects “family”, “tradition”, and “Russianness” and what possible effects are produced as a result. It also discusses how categories of gender, class, ‘race’/ethnicity and sexuality inform the articulated national identity. The thesis argues that despite civic “Russianness” (rossiyskaya naciya) being furthered as the desired national project, a number of articulations clearly point to nation’s ethnic character. As “Russianness” and “tradition” are loosely defined the viability of such articulations is questioned, given both Russia’s history and the coming transformations of the Russian welfare state.

O interesse desta tese reside na persistência da questão da \"arte brasileira\" na crítica de Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) em três períodos distintos de sua produção, os quais nomeio, de acordo com o comportamento de seu discurso: \"Contestação\" (1966-1973), \"Dúvidas\" (1974-1984) e \"Conciliação\" (1985-2012). Parte-se do fato de que a formulação de um debate em torno da definição do que seria uma \"arte brasileira\" surgiu ainda no século XIX - embora já tivesse se delineado em termos literários no século anterior - e foi se transformando com o passar do tempo, mantendo-se vivo, porque ainda em discussão, durante o século seguinte. Nesse contexto, procurou-se identificar, na produção de Frederico Morais, a sobrevivência da questão do nacional e, ainda, mostrar de que maneira ele se utiliza de uma prática constante de revisão da história - por meio de textos publicados na imprensa, mas também manuais, cronologias e \"enciclopédias\" - para manter essa discussão em pauta. No Capítulo 1 (\"Contestação\") analiso o primeiro período de sua crítica de arte, caracterizado pela adoção de um discurso assertivo e militante, em defesa de uma \"arte brasileira\" como um espaço privilegiado para a experimentação e a resistência. Nessa época, ele apoia incondicionalmente a \"vanguarda brasileira\", movimento que, segundo o autor, estaria sediado no Rio de Janeiro, expandindose a partir da antiga capital para o restante do país. No Capítulo 2 (\"Dúvidas\") trato de sua fase de transição, em que se revela certo desencanto com a situação da vanguarda no Brasil. No Capítulo 3 (\"Conciliação\") abordo o segundo período do crítico, quando se consolida o processo em que Frederico Morais abdica da defesa do \"novo\" enquanto principal saída para a \"arte brasileira\", passando a revisar tanto suas posições como parte significativa da história da arte brasileira. Nesse percurso, seus vai adotando posturas mais conciliatórias, menos intransigentes para o que entende como possibilidades de uma produção artística de caráter brasileiro. Esta tese procurou demonstrar que é possível encontrar ecos do desejo por uma arte nacional em críticas, ensaios e artigos que atravessam as três fases do percurso de Morais. Buscou ainda apontar as contradições e fragilidades que surgiram entre duas posturas distintas do crítico em relação à produção artística do período no país: uma, a escolha pelo que seria \"genuinamente nacional\", aproximando-se de algo que singularizasse a arte produzida no Brasil em relação àquela que se apresentava assertivamente como internacional; outra, colocandose contra o risco do isolamento, do atraso e do descompasso em relação ao mundo, adotava a opção por se deixar levar pelas correntes artísticas que vinham dos Estados Unidos e Europa. / The interest of this thesis lies in the persistence of the question of Brazilian art in the criticism produced by Frederico Morais (Belo Horizonte, 1936) in three distinct periods of his production, which I have named, according to the behavior of his discourse, as \"Contestation\" (1966-1973), \"Doubts\" (1974-1984) and \"Conciliation\" (1985-2012). The starting point resides in the debate formulated around the definition of what Brazilian art is, which emerged in the nineteenth century -- although it had already been delineated in literary terms in the previous century --, a debate that changed over time, kept alive in discussion throughout the following century. In this context, the thesis aims to identify the survival of this question of the national in Morais\' production. It also proposes to show -- through texts published in the press, but also in chronologies, manuals and \"encyclopedias\" -- how he makes constant use of historical revision to keep the discussion relative to Brazilian art on the agenda of public debate. In Chapter 1, I analyze his first period, characterized by the assertive and militant discourse adopted in defense of Brazilian art as a privileged space for experimentation, resistance and, above all, for the avant-garde. In his view, this movement was based in Rio de Janeiro, expanding from the former capital to the rest of the country. In Chapter 2, I deal with his transitional period, which reveals a certain disenchantment with the situation of the avant-garde in Brazilian art. In Chapter 3, I address the critic\'s second period, which consolidates the process in which Morais abdicates the defense of the \"new\" as the principal \"way ahead\" for Brazilian art, and comes to revise not only his positions, but a significant part of the history of the Brazilian art as well. Over the course of time, Morais gradually adopts positions that are less intransigent and more conciliatory regarding what he understands as possibilities for an artistic production with Brazilian character. This thesis has attempted to demonstrate the possibility of finding echoes of this desire for a national art in criticism, essays and articles that intersect the three phases in the trajectory of Frederico Morais. It has also sought to indicate the contradictions and fragilities that emerged between two distinct stances adopted by the critic in relation to the period\'s artistic production: the option for what could be considered \"genuinely national\", making advances in the direction of something that would singularize it in relation to an art that presents itself assertively as international; or the option to counter the danger of isolation, backwardness and being out-of-step with the world, by choosing to be carried along by the artistic currents imported from the United States and Europe.